News
Untreated sewage and fertilizer runoff threaten the Florida manatee’s main food source, contributing to malnutrition

Aarin-Conrad Allen, Florida International University
The gentle, slow-moving Florida manatee has no natural predators.
And yet, these charismatic mammals face numerous threats.
Manatees are struck by vessels in busy waterways across the state, and a majority bear scars from these collisions.
Harmful algal blooms – characterized by the rapid growth of algae that degrades water quality – can impair their nervous systems.
With less blubber, or fat, compared with other marine mammals like whales, dolphins, seals and sea lions, manatees are vulnerable to cold-stress syndrome during winter months.
And they can ingest or get entangled in marine debris like derelict fishing gear and drown or be crushed by floodgate and water control structures.
I am a doctoral candidate in marine biology at Florida International University’s Institute of Environment. Over the past 15 years, I have gained extensive experience working with marine mammals, particularly manatees.
Recently, my colleagues at the United States Geological Survey, Florida Department of Environmental Protection and I documented a change in the dietary pattern of manatees. We found that manatees are eating less seagrass – traditionally their primary food source – and more algae than in decades past. This change occurred along Florida’s Atlantic coast during a period of extensive seagrass decline.
We believe this represents an emerging threat to the species’ survival.
Protected species
Manatees were listed as an endangered species under the Endangered Species Act of 1973. By the early 1990s, the manatee population in Florida had dwindled to less than 1,300.
Researchers believe that federal protection, along with additional state measures such as slow-speed zones and no-entry refuges, has contributed to the growth of the manatee population in Florida.
In 2017, manatees were reclassified from endangered to threatened. Surveyors counted 5,733 individual manatees during a statewide aerial survey conducted in 2019.
Florida manatees average 9-12 feet (2.7-3.7 meters) in length and typically weigh about 1,000 pounds (450 kilograms), but they can grow as large as 3,500 pounds (1,600 kilograms). As the largest fully aquatic herbivore, they consume 5% to 10% of their body weight in vegetation each day.
While manatees eat a broad diet of over 60 different plants, they most commonly feed on species of seagrass. Seagrasses are marine plants that, like land plants, have leaves, flowers, roots and seeds, and make their food through photosynthesis.
So what happens when these seagrasses are no longer available?
A changing estuary
The Indian River Lagoon is an estuary along Florida’s east coast that covers roughly 350 square miles (560 square kilometers) between the mainland and barrier islands, from Ponce Inlet to Jupiter Inlet.
It is a critical habitat for manatees, which feed on native seagrass meadows in the lagoon during their seasonal migrations.
Seagrasses are vital to the health of marine ecosystems. They are a habitat for juvenile fish and other marine organisms, provide food for aquatic herbivores, reduce carbon in the atmosphere and improve water quality. They also protect coastal habitats by stabilizing sediments and reducing wave energy that can erode shorelines and damage coastal infrastructure, especially during hurricanes.
For more than a decade, the Indian River Lagoon has experienced extensive loss of seagrass meadows, due to a series of algae blooms associated with nutrient runoff and degraded water quality from septic overflow leaching into the environment.
When untreated sewage and fertilizers flow into the estuary, they add nitrogen, phosphorus and other nutrients that drive excessive algal growth. These harmful algal blooms deplete oxygen levels and block sunlight, which seagrass needs for photosynthesis.
Between 2011 and 2019, over 50% of all seagrass in the lagoon was lost. This led to an increase in macroalgae and even led to a change in the animal communities that live in the lagoon. For example, among finfish, sheepshead populations declined, while seabream numbers increased. Invertebrate communities were also affected, with bryozoans colonizing areas previously dominated by barnacles.
Manatees along the Atlantic coast have suffered two unusual mortality events since the seagrass decline, including one that is ongoing. Researchers attribute the increase in manatee deaths to malnutrition due to a shortage of seagrasses in the Indian River Lagoon.
A shift in manatees’ diet
In our study, we examined 193 manatee stomach samples collected from carcasses recovered from the Indian River Lagoon during two time periods – one before and one after the onset of the seagrass loss in 2011.
We compared stomach sample contents from carcasses collected between 1977 and 1989 with samples collected between 2013 and 2015.
Our findings indicate that manatees consumed 45% less seagrass and 74% more algae after the seagrass decline.
Recently, in a study supported by FIU’s Center for Aquatic Chemistry and Environment, I investigated differences in the nutritional composition – like protein, fat, carbohydrate and fiber – of items identified in manatee stomach samples. My preliminary results show notable differences in the nutritional composition of seagrass and algae.
Marine mammals are particularly vulnerable to dietary shifts due to their large size and high energy demands. Such changes can worsen their physical health and increase the likelihood of starvation.
Depleted oxygen levels are having a similar impact on aquatic vegetation and seagrass meadows in other regions of Florida, like Biscayne Bay and the Caloosahatchee River and Estuary. This suggests that the ecological challenges seen in the Indian River Lagoon could become more widespread.
What is the solution?
Remediation efforts within the lagoon have incorporated the restoration of seagrass through aquaculture and replanting strategies, similar to efforts to restore coral reefs.
While the lagoon’s seagrass has recently shown signs of regrowth, the rehabilitation of the ecosystem must begin with improving and maintaining water quality.
Counties along the lagoon have enacted fertilizer bans that aim to reduce the levels of nitrogen and phosphorus in the water that drive algal blooms.
New research, however, indicates that these restrictions alone will not fix the problem, as residential septic systems are the primary source of nutrient pollution in the lagoon.
Furthermore, many of the factors contributing to harmful algal blooms are intensified by global warming and changing climate, which could accelerate the decline of seagrass in Florida and elsewhere.
Given the multiple, synergistic threats facing manatees, I believe that improving water quality, protecting their food sources, and further research – coupled with community outreach and education – are critical to ensure the long-term survival of this iconic Florida species.
Aarin-Conrad Allen, Ph.D. Candidate in Marine Sciences, Florida International University
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
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health and wellness
Zepbound Linked to Lower Healthcare Costs in Adults 55+ With Obesity, Real-World Study Suggests

A new real-world study of adults over age 55 with overweight or obesity found that sustained use of Zepbound (tirzepatide) for weight management was associated with lower healthcare costs over time compared with similar adults who were not treated. Eli Lilly and Company said the findings were driven in part by lower rates of hospital admissions and emergency department visits, and were published in Diabetes, Obesity and Metabolism.
What the study found
According to Lilly, researchers estimated healthcare cost differences over time (excluding the cost of Zepbound itself) using two established analytic methods. Across both approaches, monthly healthcare costs were lower, on average, among older adults who stayed on Zepbound.
Key estimates reported in the release include:
- At six months: costs were up to 15% lower (up to $181 per patient, per month).
- At 12 months: the estimated difference widened to as much as $607 per patient, per month, reflecting up to 38% lower costs than those not treated (estimates varied by model).
In the primary analysis, adults over 55 treated with Zepbound had lower rates of hospital admissions and emergency department visits across every follow-up period, along with numerically higher rates of routine outpatient and office visitsa pattern the company said was consistent with greater engagement in routine care.
Why Medicare is part of the conversation
Lilly said the cost findings may be relevant for older adults, including those in Medicares GLP-1 Bridge program. The company noted that beginning at six months, estimated healthcare savings nearly covered the programs monthly treatment cost of $195 per patient, per month, and by 12 months the estimated savings exceeded the reported monthly treatment cost.
Its important to note the release also emphasizes a limitation: claims data do not capture Zepbounds net price, and the study excluded the cost of Zepbound from total treatment costs. That means the reported differences reflect potential savings elsewhere in care that could offset treatment costs, not the full net cost impact.
Who was included in the analysis
The retrospective observational cohort study used Komodos Healthcare Map, a database of de-identified claims data from more than 330 million individuals enrolled in U.S. healthcare plans. The analysis included 15,843 adults over age 55 (mean age 64.5) with obesity or overweight plus at least one obesity-related complication who initiated Zepbound between November 2023 and September 2025. Each Zepbound user was matched 1:1 with a control participant who met the same eligibility criteria but did not initiate GLP-1 or GIP/GLP-1 receptor agonist medication.
What Zepbound is
Zepbound (tirzepatide) is a dual GIP and GLP-1 receptor agonist indicated for adults with obesity, or some adults with overweight who also have at least one weight-related medical problem, to lose weight and keep it off. Lilly also noted Zepbound is FDA-approved to treat adults with moderate-to-severe obstructive sleep apnea and obesity, and should be used alongside a reduced-calorie diet and increased physical activity.
Safety summary (high level)
The release includes an indications and safety summary with warnings. Among other risks, Lilly notes Zepbound carries a warning about thyroid tumors, including thyroid cancer, and may cause serious side effects such as severe stomach problems, dehydration leading to kidney problems, gallbladder problems, pancreatitis, serious allergic reactions, and low blood sugar (especially when used with certain diabetes medicines). Patients should talk with a healthcare provider about risks and whether the medication is appropriate for them.
Related Links
- Zepbound (official product site): https://zepbound.lilly.com/
- Lilly newsroom: https://www.lilly.com/news
- Journal page (publisher hub): https://dom-pubs.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/journal/14631326
- Medicare (official): https://www.medicare.gov/
- FDA MedWatch (side effect reporting): https://www.fda.gov/medwatch
Source
- PRNewswire / Eli Lilly and Company press release (Aug. 26, 2026): Zepbound linked to lower healthcare costs in adults over age 55 with obesity according to a real-world study
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Economy
U.S. Consumer Confidence Slips as Americans Grow More Cautious About the Future
U.S. consumer confidence edged lower in August as Americans became more pessimistic about jobs, income and business conditions over the next six months, despite improved views of the current economy.
NEW YORK — U.S. consumer confidence edged lower in August as Americans expressed greater concern about future business conditions, jobs and household income, even as their assessment of the current economy improved.
The Conference Board reported that its Consumer Confidence Index fell 0.8 points to 89.4 in August, down from 90.2 in July.
The relatively small decline, however, masks a widening gap between how consumers view conditions today and what they expect in the months ahead.
The Present Situation Index, which measures consumers’ assessment of current business and labor market conditions, climbed 6.8 points to 121.2, reversing three consecutive months of declines.
Meanwhile, the Expectations Index, which measures the short-term outlook for income, business and employment conditions, dropped 5.8 points to 68.2.
“Consumer confidence moderated slightly in August for a second consecutive month,” Dana M. Peterson, chief economist at The Conference Board, said in the organization’s Aug. 25 release.
Jobs Look Better Today — But Consumers Worry About Tomorrow
Americans’ perceptions of the current labor market improved considerably during August. About 27% said jobs were plentiful, up from 24.4% in July, while 19.5% said jobs were hard to get, down from 21.7%.
The outlook for the next six months was considerably weaker.
Only 14.6% expected more jobs to become available, compared with 16.4% in July. At the same time, 26.1% expected fewer jobs.
Consumers were also less optimistic about their incomes. About 17.6% expected their income to increase, down from 19.5% in July, while 13.8% expected their income to decline.
Prices Remain on Consumers’ Minds
Inflation continues to influence how Americans feel about the economy. According to The Conference Board, consumers’ written responses frequently mentioned prices, oil and gasoline, food and groceries, trade, jobs, and war or conflict.
Average and median expectations for inflation over the next 12 months also increased slightly.
Interest rates remain another concern. More than six in 10 consumers — 61.3% — expected interest rates to rise over the next year, although that was slightly lower than the 62% recorded in July.
Consumers Are Still Planning to Spend
The softer outlook hasn’t eliminated Americans’ willingness to make purchases.
Auto-buying expectations remained strong on a six-month moving-average basis, while homebuying expectations declined slightly in August but remained on a longer-term upward trend after hitting decade lows in early 2024.
Restaurants, bars and takeout; utilities; and streaming, internet and mobile services ranked among consumers’ leading planned service expenses.
Consumers were less enthusiastic about discretionary activities including movies, personal-travel hotels, airfare, amusement parks, museums and historical sites.
Why It Matters
The August numbers paint a mixed picture of the American consumer.
People are seeing some improvement in the economy they are experiencing today, particularly in the labor market. But their expectations for the next six months are becoming noticeably more cautious.
That divide matters because consumer spending represents a major part of U.S. economic activity. If concerns about employment, inflation and household income begin translating into reduced spending, weakening confidence could eventually become more significant for the broader economy.
For now, the August survey suggests Americans haven’t stopped spending — but they’re increasingly keeping an eye on what may be coming next.
The preliminary August Consumer Confidence Survey was conducted online for The Conference Board by Toluna. The survey period was Aug. 3–16, 2026.
Source: The Conference Board, August 2026 Consumer Confidence Survey®, released Aug. 25, 2026.
STM Daily News Economy News Brief
Sources
- The Conference Board — U.S. Consumer Confidence, August 2026 — Primary source for the August Consumer Confidence Index, Present Situation Index and Expectations Index.
- The Conference Board — Consumer Confidence Survey & Data — Consumer confidence survey information, methodology and release schedule.
Related Economic Data
- Bureau of Economic Analysis — Consumer Spending — Official U.S. data tracking personal consumption expenditures. Consumer spending increased 0.2% in July 2026.
- BEA — Personal Income and Outlays, July 2026 — Tracks household income, disposable income, consumer spending and saving.
- Bureau of Labor Statistics — Consumer Price Index — Official inflation data. The July 2026 CPI was up 3.4% from a year earlier; August CPI is scheduled for release September 11.
- Federal Reserve — Consumer Credit — Federal Reserve data covering revolving and nonrevolving consumer credit.
Lifestyle
California and Minnesota Face $1B Medicaid Funding Hold
The Trump administration is withholding more than $1 billion in Medicaid funding from California and Minnesota over disputed medical claims. A social-policy historian examines how concerns about fraud have historically been used to justify funding cuts and undermine public confidence in Medicaid.

Ben Zdencanovic, University of Cambridge
California and Minnesota Face $1B Medicaid Funding Hold
The Trump administration announced on July 21, 2026, that it’s withholding US$867 million in federal healthcare funding for California and $200 million for Minnesota – a total of more than $1 billion.
Federal officials said the two states had failed to provide sufficient evidence that a number of disputed medical claims were legitimate. These include bills for in-home care and other services covered by the two states’ Medicaid programs for low-income residents.
Medicaid administrators say the funds can be recovered if the states supply the requested documentation. But the action is highly unusual: Typically, Medicaid officials partner with states to conduct an audit when they suspect fraud, a careful process that often takes years.
It’s the second time in 2026 that the Trump administration has withheld or deferred federal Medicaid funds for several states, including California and Minnesota, because of alleged fraud and abuse. The Democratic governors of those states have called the decision a politically motivated attack on their constituents.
I’m a historian of social policy who led the first comprehensive historical overview of Medi-Cal, California’s statewide Medicaid system. I’ve found that U.S. leaders have long used the language of fraud and abuse to blur the line between correcting very real failures within Medicaid and – as I believe the Trump administration is currently doing – discrediting and defunding the program itself.
Slashing the safety net
The Medicaid restrictions are part of the Trump administration’s overall efforts to slash federal funding for the safety net.
The large tax-and-spending bill that Trump signed into law in July 2025 as the cornerstone of his second-term agenda pared eligibility for Medicaid by introducing work requirements for some adults. It is cutting close to $1 trillion in federal spending on the program over the next decade.
Researchers estimate that almost 12 million people, on top of the estimated 28 million without health insurance in 2025, could become uninsured by 2034 due to these changes. By mid-2026, more than 3 million people had already lost their insurance coverage due to Republican changes to the Affordable Care Act.
‘Padlocking’ the ‘cookie jar’
In February 2026, Vice President JD Vance, Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and Dr. Mehmet Oz, the administrator of the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, or CMS, announced a new anti-fraud initiative called Comprehensive Regulations to Uncover Suspicious Healthcare.
Also known by its rather unsubtle acronym, CRUSH, this initiative is taking unprecedented steps to withhold and defer funds in response to suspected fraud. “CMS is done trying to catch fraudsters with their hands in the cookie jar,” Oz said in announcing CRUSH’s formation. “Instead, we’re padlocking the jar and letting them starve.”
To be sure, Medicaid fraud, waste and abuse – such as providers billing Medicaid for services that are unnecessary or never rendered – are very real problems that cost taxpayers billions of dollars annually. They do divert funds from the low-income and disabled Americans enrolled in the program.
But the Trump administration’s latest moves are part of a much broader history of weaponizing Medicaid fraud and abuse – both real and imagined. I see them as a politicized attempt to prove that Medicaid itself is wasteful, that state governments cannot be trusted to administer federal money, and that public benefits inevitably invite dishonesty.
Providing little oversight at the start
Medicaid was established, along with Medicare for older adults, in 1965 as part of President Lyndon B. Johnson’s “Great Society” reforms. Despite providing millions of Americans with health insurance coverage for the first time, these programs had few centralized mechanisms for the kind of federal oversight that could prevent and catch fraud and abuse.
And the sheer scale and complexity of the Medicaid system – joint federal-state funding, varying eligibility requirements, millions of enrollees and thousands of providers – created opportunities for questionable billing practices among providers.
The 1970s saw a number of highly publicized Medicaid scandals involving nursing homes, laboratories, pharmacies and so-called “Medicaid mills” – healthcare providers that sought to bill the government for large numbers of Medicaid patients for shoddy and often fraudulent care.
A series of high-profile congressional investigations spurred demand for stronger Medicaid oversight and enforcement. That led to the Medicare-Medicaid Anti-Fraud and Abuse Amendments of 1977, which established the national Medicaid Fraud Control Units program.
The state-run Medicaid Fraud Control Units received generous federal matching funds to investigate and prosecute fraud.
The most serious Medicaid fraud was generally committed by healthcare providers and contractors, not patients. Medicaid Fraud Control Units were principally responsible for investigating providers, while also prosecuting the abuse and neglect of patients whose care was billed to Medicaid.
At the same time, however, Medicaid was becoming entangled in a broader political debate over social spending, whether many Americans were becoming too dependent on government benefits, and the alleged use of benefits by people who should not have received them. In the 1980s and 1990s, widely circulated stories about Medicaid exposed fraud and malfeasance by providers.
But disproportionately, they also highlighted the comparatively few instances of fraud by people enrolled in the program, such as cases where they submitted false receipts for covered medically related travel or sold drugs they obtained through Medicaid for free or at low cost.
Using Medicare fraud to justify spending cuts
The distinction between Medicaid and cash assistance programs, such as the Aid to Families with Dependent Children “welfare” program, frequently disappeared in political rhetoric. False or exaggerated stories that portrayed African American single mothers living extravagantly while fraudulently claiming welfare benefits became potent symbols of supposed government failure.
While campaigning as a presidential candidate, Ronald Reagan seized on this trope of the “welfare queen” in his attacks on social spending.
By the mid-1990s, opposition to welfare programs had become increasingly bipartisan. Politicians in both parties often used tales of Medicaid fraud on the part of providers and recipients to justify tighter eligibility rules and spending cuts.
Federal oversight expanded further with the Deficit Reduction Act of 2005, which created the Medicaid Integrity Program and strengthened federal oversight of state programs. The Affordable Care Act, the landmark healthcare legislation Congress passed in 2010, added new measures to screen providers and verify billing.
Concerns about Medicaid’s “integrity” became highly politicized in the debates surrounding the ACA. Critics of Medicaid expansion argued that increasing the number of people who could get health insurance through the program would increase fraud and improper enrollment. Supporters of expanding Medicaid to help more Americans gain health insurance maintained that anti-fraud rhetoric often disguised ideological opposition to the program’s expansion.
Blurring distinctions then and now
For the six decades that this program has helped millions of low-income Americans get healthcare, politicians have blurred the distinction between protecting Medicaid from abuse and using abuse to discredit Medicaid itself.
In my view, the Trump administration’s campaigns against California and Minnesota continue that pattern. It is using real weaknesses within Medicaid to advance much broader political arguments: that Democratic states cannot be trusted, that public benefits naturally invite abuse, and that withholding funds is itself a form of reform.
The result will no doubt be that fewer low-income Americans will be able to get the healthcare they need.
Ben Zdencanovic, Assistant Professor of U.S. History, University of Cambridge
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
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