How Buildings Contribute to Urban Heating during Heat Waves
Urban Heating: Researchers developed a model to analyze building heat emissions during heat waves, demonstrating a 20% increase in waste heat discharge significantly affecting urban microclimates, particularly in Los Angeles.
A bottom-up approach quantifies the contributions of human-caused heating from building energy use during extreme heat events.
Urban Heating
The Science
Previous research has found that heat waves and urban heat island effects reinforce each other’s effects. These heat islands are concentrations of buildings, paved areas, and other surfaces that absorb and retain heat. Emissions of heat from buildings are an important part of this heat island effect. Researchers therefore need to understand the interplay of urban microclimates and these building heat emissions. New research developed a method for modeling urban building energy and associated human-caused heat during city-wide heat waves. The researchers used the method to examine the variation over time and space in emissions of waste heat from buildings in Los Angeles. The study incorporated building type, urban microclimate, and large-scale climate conditions.
The Impact
The method provides a high-resolution representation of how buildings contribute to heat islands during heat waves. It details both the magnitude and distribution of these heating effects. The simulation indicates that heat dispersing from buildings to the urban environment increases by as much as 20 percent during a heat wave. Most of this heat is waste heat from air conditioning. The study’s results will serve as a fundamental step in continued investigations of the feedback between changes in building waste heat and urban microclimates during extreme heat events.
Summary
The world is experiencing more frequent and longer-duration heat waves. These heat waves are a serious threat to human health and the stability of electrical grids. Previous studies have identified positive feedbacks between heat waves and urban heat island effects. Heat discharges from buildings and associated energy use have significant effect on the urban environment, and researchers therefore need to understand the interactive effects of urban microclimate and building heat emissions on the urban energy balance. In this study, scientists developed a coupled-simulation approach to quantify these effects, mapping urban environmental data generated by the mesoscale Weather Research and Forecasting (WRF) model, coupled to the Urban Canopy Model (UCM), to simulate urban building energy flows. The scientists conducted a case study in Los Angeles, California, during a five-day heat wave event in September 2009.
Urban Heating
The researchers analyzed the surge in city-scale building heat emission and energy use during the extreme heat event. They first simulated the urban microclimate at high resolution (500 by 500 meters) using WRF-UCM. Next, they generated grid-level building heat emission profiles and aggregated them using prototype building energy models informed by spatially disaggregated urban land use and urban building density data. They analyzed the spatial patterns of anthropogenic heat discharge from the building sector. They also assessed the quantitative relationship with weather conditions and urban land-use dynamics at the grid level. The simulation results indicate that during a heat wave, a rise in building energy use follows, and the associated discharge of anthropogenic waste heat from the buildings to the environment increases by as much as 20 percent on average, varying significantly, both in time and space. Notably, air-conditioning use within buildings intensifies, and resulting waste heat discharges outside of the buildings contribute most (86.5 percent) of the total waste heat transferred to the surrounding urban environment. The study also found that the waste heat discharge in inland, dense urban districts is more sensitive to extreme events than it is in coastal or suburban areas. The generated anthropogenic heat profiles can be used in urban microclimate models to provide a more accurate estimation of urban air temperature rises during heat waves.
Funding
This research was supported by the Department of Energy Office of Science as part of research in the MultiSector Dynamics, Earth, and Environmental System Modeling Program.
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In a dramatic turn of events that captured international attention, the Soviet-era spacecraft Kosmos 482 has completed its final descent after spending over five decades in Earth’s orbit. The spacecraft, which had been closely monitored due to its deteriorating orbit pattern, crashed into the Indian Ocean west of Jakarta at approximately 11:24 p.m. Phoenix time on May 9, 2025, ending weeks of speculation about its potential impact in Arizona.
The Historic Background Originally launched in 1972 as part of an ambitious mission to Venus, Kosmos 482 became a remnant of the Cold War space race after its mission failed. The approximately 3-foot-diameter spacecraft had been trapped in Earth’s orbit for 53 years, joining the growing collection of space debris that concerns modern astronomers and space agencies.
Arizona’s Emergency Response The potential threat to Arizona prompted a swift and coordinated response from local authorities. The Phoenix metropolitan area, initially identified as one of the possible impact zones, activated its emergency response protocols. This included:
Establishment of a temporary command center by the Arizona Department of Emergency Management
Enhanced monitoring systems at Phoenix Sky Harbor International Airport
Coordination between local, state, and federal agencies
Implementation of emergency communication channels for public updates
Local Infrastructure Impact Coincidentally, this event intersected with Phoenix Sky Harbor’s ongoing modernization project, which aims to improve passenger experiences and facility capabilities. The airport’s emergency response teams incorporated spacecraft monitoring into their existing protocols, demonstrating the facility’s adaptive capacity during potential aerospace emergencies.
“This situation, while ultimately resolving without incident in our region, showcased our emergency response capabilities and the importance of our ongoing infrastructure improvements,” stated a Phoenix Sky Harbor spokesperson. The modernization project, which was already underway, proved particularly relevant during this potential aerospace emergency.
Community Response Local residents and businesses in the Phoenix metropolitan area remained vigilant throughout the monitoring period. Emergency management officials maintained regular communications with the public, providing updates through various channels to ensure community awareness and preparedness.
Technical Analysis Space tracking organizations employed advanced monitoring systems to track Kosmos 482’s descent. The spacecraft, powered by systems similar to other Cold War-era satellites, provided valuable data for modern space debris tracking programs. Unlike modern spacecraft such as Voyager 1, which continues to operate using a radioisotope power system, Kosmos 482 had long since lost its operational capabilities.
Final Outcome The spacecraft’s ultimate crash site in the Indian Ocean brought relief to Arizona residents and officials. The incident concluded at approximately 2:24 a.m. EDT (11:24 p.m. Phoenix time), with no reported casualties or damage.
Looking Forward This event serves as a crucial reminder of the challenges posed by orbital debris and the importance of maintaining robust emergency response systems. It also highlights Phoenix’s growing role in aerospace monitoring and emergency management, particularly as the city continues to expand its aviation infrastructure.
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The incident has prompted discussions about improving space debris monitoring systems and international cooperation in managing potential aerospace threats, ensuring better preparation for similar events in the future.
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Kelsey Juliana, a lead plaintiff in a federal lawsuit over responsibility for climate change, speaks at a 2019 rally in Oregon.
AP Photo/Steve DipaolaHannah Wiseman, Penn State
The U.S. Supreme Court in March 2025 ended a decade-old lawsuit filed by a group of children who sought to hold the federal government responsible for some of the consequences of climate change. But just two months earlier, the justices allowed a similar suit from the city and county of Honolulu, Hawaii, to continue against oil and gas companies.
Evidence shows that fossil fuel companies, electric utilities and the federal government have known about climate change, its dangers and its human causes for at least 50 years. But the steps taken by fossil fuel companies, utilities and governments, including the U.S. government, have not been enough to meet international climate targets.
So local and state governments and citizens have asked the courts to force companies and public agencies to act. Their results have varied, with limited victories to date. But the cases keep coming.
In response to this federal executive seesaw of climate action, some legal claims use a court-based, or common law, approach to address climate concerns. For instance, in Connecticut v. American Electric Power, filed in 2004, nine states asked a federal judge to order power plants to reduce their emissions. The states said those emissions contributed to global warming, which they argued met the federal common law definition of a “public nuisance.”
That case ended when the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in 2011 that the existence of a statute – the federal Clean Air Act – meant common law did not apply. Other plaintiffs have tried to use the “public nuisance” claim or a related common-law claim of “trespass” to force large power plants or oil and gas producers to pay climate-related damages. But in those cases, too, courts found that the Clean Air Act overrode the common-law grounds for those claims.
With those case outcomes, many plaintiffs have shifted their strategies, focusing more on state courts and seeking to hold the fossil fuel industry responsible for allegedly deceiving the public about the causes and effects of climate change.
Three examples of petroleum industry advertisements a lawsuit alleges are misleading about the causes of climate change.State of Maine v. BP, Chevron, ExxonMobil, Shell, Sunoco and American Petroleum Insititute
Examining deception
In many cases, state and local governments are arguing that the fossil fuel industry knew about the dangers of climate change and deceived the public about them, and that the industry exaggerated the extent of its investments in energy that doesn’t emit carbon.
Rather than directly asking courts to order reduced carbon emissions, these cases tend to seek damages that will help governments cover the costs associated with climate change, such as construction of cooling centers
and repair of roads damaged by increased precipitation.
In legal terms, the lawsuits are saying oil and gas companies violated consumer-protection laws and committed common-law civil violations such as negligence. For instance, the city of Chicago alleges that major petroleum giants – along with the industry trade association the American Petroleum Institute – had “abundant knowledge” of the public harms of fossil fuels yet “actively campaigned” to hide that information and deceive consumers. Many other complaints by states and local governments make similar allegations.
Another lawsuit, from the state of Maine, lists and provides photographs of a litany of internal industry documents showing industry knowledge of the threat of climate change. That lawsuit also cites a 1977 memo from an Exxon employee to Exxon executives, which stated that “current scientific opinion overwhelmingly favors attributing atmospheric carbon dioxide increase to fossil fuel consumption,” and a 1979 internal Exxon memo about the buildup of carbon dioxide emissions, which warned that “(t)he potential problem is great and urgent.”
These complaints also show organizations supported by fossil fuel companies published ads as far back as the 1990s, with titles such as “Apocalypse No” and “Who told you the earth was warming … Chicken Little?” Some of these ads – part of a broader campaign – were funded by a group called the Information Council for the Environment, supported by coal producers and electric utilities.
Courts have dismissed some of these complaints, finding that federal laws overrule the principles those suits are based on. But many are still winding their way through the courts.
In 2023 the Supreme Court of Hawaii found that federal laws do not prevent climate claims based on state common law. In January 2025 the U.S. Supreme Court allowed the case to continue.
Lead claimant Rikki Held, then 22, confers with lawyers before the beginning of a 2023 Montana trial about young people’s rights in a time of climate change.William Campbell/Getty Images
Other approaches
Still other litigation approaches argue that governments inadequately reviewed the effects of greenhouse gas emissions, or even supported or subsidized those emissions caused by private industry. Those lawsuits – some of which were filed by children, with help from their parents or legal guardians – claim the governments’ actions violated people’s constitutional rights.
For instance, children in the Juliana v. United States case, first filed in 2015, said 50 years of petroleum-supporting actions by presidents and various federal agencies had violated their fundamental “right to a climate system capable of sustaining human life.” The 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that their claim was a “political question” – meant for Congress, not the courts. The U.S. Supreme Court declined to reconsider that ruling in March 2025.
But children in Montana found more success. The Montana Constitution requires state officials and all residents to “maintain and improve a clean and healthful environment … for present and future generations.” In 2024 the Montana Supreme Court determined that this provision “includes a stable climate system that sustains human lives and liberties.”
The Montana Supreme Court also reviewed a state law banning officials from considering greenhouse gas emissions of projects approved by the state. The court found that the ban violated the state constitution, too. Since then, the Montana Supreme Court has specifically required state officials to review the climate effects of a project for which permits were challenged.
Concerned people and groups continue to file climate-related lawsuits across the country and around the world. They are seeing mixed results, but as the cases continue and more are filed, they are drawing attention to potential corporate and government wrongdoing, as well as the human costs of climate change. And they are inspiring shareholders and citizens to demand more accurate information and action from fossil fuel companies and electric utilities.Hannah Wiseman, Professor of Law, Penn State
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
‘I were but little happy, if I could say how much’: Shakespeare’s insights on happiness have held up for more than 400 years
The World Happiness Report indicates the U.S. ranks 24th in global happiness, emphasizing that joy arises from societal relationships and care. Shakespeare’s works explore happiness’ duality—both fortune and contentment—highlighting cultural influences that affect individuals’ experiences. Understanding happiness requires recognizing social inequalities, community support, and shared cultural beliefs.
Joanna Vanderham as Desdemona and Hugh Quarshie as the title character in a Royal Shakespeare Company production of ‘Othello.’ Robbie Jack/Corbis via Getty Images
Since 2012, the World Happiness Report has measured and compared data from 167 countries. The United States currently ranks 24th, between the U.K. and Belize – its lowest position since the report was first issued. But the 2025 edition – released on March 20, the United Nations’ annual “International Day of Happiness” – starts off not with numbers, but with Shakespeare.
“In this year’s issue, we focus on the impact of caring and sharing on people’s happiness,” the authors explain. “Like ‘mercy’ in Shakespeare’s ‘Merchant of Venice,’ caring is ‘twice-blessed’ – it blesses those who give and those who receive.”
Shakespeare’s plays offer many reflections on happiness itself. They are a record of how people in early modern England experienced and thought about joy and satisfaction, and they offer a complex look at just how happiness, like mercy, lives in relationships and the caring exchanges between people.
Contrary to how we might think about happiness in our everyday lives, it is more than the surge of positive feelings after a great meal, or a workout, or even a great date. The experience of emotions is grounded in both the bodyand the mind, influenced by human physiology and culture in ways that change depending on time and place. What makes a person happy, therefore, depends on who that person is, as well as where and when they belong – or don’t belong.
Happiness has a history. I study emotions and early modern literature, so I spend a lot of my time thinking about what Shakespeare has to say about what makes people happy, in his own time and in our own. And also, of course, what makes people unhappy.
But in modern English usage, “happy” as “fortunate” has been almost entirely replaced by a notion of happiness as “joy,” or the more long-term sense of life satisfaction called “well-being.” The term “well-being,” in fact, was introduced into English from the Italian “benessere” around the time of Shakespeare’s birth.
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The word and the concept of happiness were transforming during Shakespeare’s lifetime, and his use of the word in his plays mingles both senses: “fortunate” and “joyful.” That transitional ambiguity emphasizes happiness’ origins in ideas about luck and fate, and it reminds readers and playgoers that happiness is a contingent, fragile thing – something not just individuals, but societies need to carefully cultivate and support.
For instance, early in “Othello,” the Venetian senator Brabantio describes his daughter Desdemona as “tender, fair, and happy / So opposite to marriage that she shunned / The wealthy, curled darlings of our nation.” Before she elopes with Othello she is “happy” in the sense of “fortunate,” due to her privileged position on the marriage market.
Later in the same play, though, Othello reunites with his new wife in Cyprus and describes his feelings of joy using this same term:
…If it were now to die, ‘Twere now to be most happy, for I fear My soul hath her content so absolute That not another comfort like to this Succeeds in unknown fate.
Desdemona responds,
The heavens forbid But that our loves and comforts should increase Even as our days do grow!
They both understand “happy” to mean not just lucky, but “content” and “comfortable,” a more modern understanding. But they also recognize that their comforts depend on “the heavens,” and that happiness is enabled by being fortunate.
“Othello” is a tragedy, so in the end, the couple will not prove “happy” in either sense. The foreign general is tricked into believing his young wife has been unfaithful. He murders her, then takes his own life.
The seeds of jealousy are planted and expertly exploited by Othello’s subordinate, Iago, who catalyzes the racial prejudice and misogyny underlying Venetian values to enact his sinister and cruel revenge.
“Othello” sheds light on happiness’s history – but also on its politics.
While happiness is often upheld as a common good, it is also dependent on cultural forces that make it harder for some individuals to experience. Shared cultural fantasies about happiness tend to create what theorist Sara Ahmed calls “affect aliens”: individuals who, by nature of who they are and how they are treated, experience a disconnect between what their culture conditions them to think should make them happy and their disappointment or exclusion from those positive feelings. Othello, for example, rightly worries that he is somehow foreign to the domestic happiness Desdemona describes, excluded from the joy of Venetian marriage. It turns out he is right.
Because Othello is foreign and Black and Desdemona is Venetian and white, their marriage does not conform to their society’s expectations for happiness, and that makes them vulnerable to Iago’s deceit.
Similarly, “The Merchant of Venice” examines the potential for happiness to include or exclude, to build or break communities. Take the quote about mercy that opens the World Happiness Report.
The phrase appears in a famous courtroom scene, as Portia attempts to persuade a Jewish lender, Shylock, to take pity on Antonio, a Christian man who cannot pay his debts. In their contract, Shylock has stipulated that if Antonio defaults on the loan, the fee will be a “pound of flesh.”
“The quality of mercy is not strained,” Portia lectures him; it is “twice-blessed,” benefiting both giver and receiver.
It’s a powerful attempt to save Antonio’s life. But it is also hypocritical: Those cultural norms of caring and mercy seem to apply only to other Christians in the play, and not the Jewish people living alongside them in Venice. In that same scene, Shylock reminds his audience that Antonio and the other Venetians in the room have spit on him and called him a dog. He famously asks why Jewish Venetians are not treated as equal human beings: “If you prick us, do we not bleed?”
Actor Henry Irving as Shylock in a late 19th-century performance of ‘The Merchant of Venice.’ Lock & Whitfield/Folger Shakespeare Library via Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA
Shakespeare’s plays repeatedly make the point that the unjust distribution of rights and care among various social groups – Christians and Jews, men and women, citizens and foreigners – challenges the happy effects of benevolence.
Those social factors are sometimes overlooked in cultures like the U.S., where contemporary notions of happiness are marketed by wellness gurus, influencers and cosmetic companies. Shakespeare’s plays reveal both how happiness is built through communities of care and how it can be weaponized to destroy individuals and the fabric of the community.
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There are obvious victims of prejudice and abuse in Shakespeare’s plays, but he does not just emphasize their individual tragedies. Instead, the plays record how certain values that promote inequality poison relationships that could otherwise support happy networks of family and friends.
Systems of support
Pretty much all objective research points to the fact that long-term happiness depends on community, connections and social support: having systems in place to weather what life throws at us.
And according to both the World Happiness Report and Shakespeare, contentment isn’t just about the actual support you receive but your expectations about people’s willingness to help you. Societies with high levels of trust, like Finland and the Netherlands, tend to be happier – and to have more evenly distributed levels of happiness in their populations.
Shakespeare’s plays offer blueprints for trust in happy communities. They also offer warnings about the costs of cultural fantasies about happiness that make it more possible for some, but not for all.
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