A French propaganda engraving from 1825 depicts King Charles X bestowing freedom on a Black man kneeling before him in chains. ‘S.M. Charles X, le bien-aimé, reconnaissant l’indépendance de St. Domingue,’ 1825, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Cabinet des Estampes, CC BY-SAMarlene L. Daut, Yale University In 2002, Haiti’s former president Jean-Bertrand Aristide argued that France should pay his country US$21 billion. The reason? In 1825, France extracted a huge indemnity from the young nation, in exchange for recognition of its independence. April 17, 2025, marks the 200th anniversary of that indemnity agreement. On Jan. 1 of this year, the now-former president of Haiti’s Transitional Presidential Council, Leslie Voltaire, reminded France of this call when he requested that France “repay the debt of independence and reparations for slavery.” In March, tennis star Naomi Osaka, who is of Haitian descent, added her voice to the chorus in a tweet wondering when France would pay Haiti back. As a scholar of 19th-century Haitian history and culture, I’ve dedicated a significant portion of my research to exploring Haiti’s particularly strong legal case for restitution from France. The story begins with the Haitian Revolution. France instituted slavery in the colony of Saint-Domingue on the western third of the island of Hispaniola – today’s Haiti – in the 17th century. In the late 18th century, the enslaved population rebelled and eventually declared independence. In the 19th century, the French demanded compensation for the former enslavers of the Haitian people, rather than the other way around. Just as the legacy of slavery in the United States has created a gross economic disparity between Black and white Americans, the tax on its freedom that France forced Haiti to pay – referred to as an “indemnity” at the time – severely damaged the newly independent country’s ability to prosper.
The cost of independence
Haiti officially declared its independence from France on Jan. 1, 1804. In October 1806, following the assassination of Haiti’s first head of state, the country was split into two, with Alexandre Pétion ruling in the south and Henry Christophe ruling in the north. Despite the fact that both Haiti rulers were veterans of the Haitian Revolution, the French had never quite given up on reconquering their former colony. In 1814, King Louis XVIII, restored as king after the overthrow of Napoléon earlier that year, sent three commissioners to Haiti to assess the willingness of the country’s rulers to surrender. Christophe, crowned king in 1811, remained obstinate in the face of France’s exposed plan to bring back slavery. Threatening war, the most prominent member of Christophe’s cabinet, Baron de Vastey, insisted,“ Our independence will be guaranteed by the tips of our bayonets!” In contrast, Pétion, the ruler of the south, was willing to negotiate, hoping that the country might be able to pay France for recognition of its independence. In 1803, Napoléon had sold Louisiana to the United States for US$15 million. Using this number as his compass, Pétion proposed paying the same amount. Unwilling to compromise with those he viewed as “runaway slaves,” Louis XVIII rejected the offer. Pétion died suddenly in 1818, but Jean-Pierre Boyer, his successor, kept up the negotiations. Talks, however, continued to stall due to Christophe’s stubborn opposition. “Any indemnification of the ex-colonists,” Christophe’s government stated, was “inadmissible.” Once Christophe died in October 1820, Boyer was able to reunify the two sides of the country. However, even with the obstacle of Christophe gone, Boyer repeatedly failed to successfully negotiate France’s recognition of independence. Determined to gain at least suzerainty over the island – which would have made Haiti a protectorate of France – Louis XVIII rebuked the two commissioners Boyer sent to Paris in 1824 to try to negotiate an indemnity in exchange for recognition. On April 17, 1825, Charles X, brother to Louis XVIII and the new French king, performed a sudden about-face. Charles X issued a decree stating that France would recognize Haitian independence but only at the price of 150 million francs – or nearly twice the 80 million francs the U.S. had paid for the Louisiana territory. Baron de Mackau, whom Charles X sent to deliver the ordinance, arrived in Haiti in July, accompanied by a squadron of 14 brigs of war carrying more than 500 cannons. His instructions stated that his “mission” was “not a negotiation.” It was not diplomacy either. It was extortion. Amid the threat of violent war and a looming economic blockade, on July 11, 1825, Boyer signed the fatal document, which stated, “The present inhabitants of the French part of St. Domingue shall pay … in five equal installments … the sum of 150,000,000 francs, destined to indemnify the former colonists.”
French prosperity built on Haitian poverty
Newspaper articles from the period reveal that the French king knew the Haitian government was hardly capable of making these payments, as the amount was nearly six times Haiti’s total annual revenue. The rest of the world seemed to agree that the agreement was absurd. One British journalist noted that the “enormous price” constituted a “sum which few states in Europe could bear to sacrifice.” Forced to borrow 30 million francs from French banks to make the first two payments, it was hardly a surprise to anyone when Haiti defaulted soon thereafter. Still, a subsequent French king sent another expedition in 1838 with 12 warships to force the Haitian president’s hand. The 1838 revision, inaccurately labeled “Traité d’Amitié” – or “Treaty of Friendship” – reduced the outstanding amount owed to 60 million francs, but the Haitian government was once again ordered to take out crushing loans to pay the balance. It was the Haitian people who suffered the brunt of the consequences of France’s theft. Boyer levied draconian taxes in order to pay back the loans. And while Christophe had been busy developing a national school system during his reign, under Boyer, and all subsequent presidents, such projects had to be put on hold. Moreover, researchers have found that the independence debt and the resulting drain on the Haitian treasury were directly responsible not only for the underfunding of education in 20th-century Haiti, but also for the lack of health care and the country’s inability to develop public infrastructure. A 2022 analysis by The New York Times, furthermore, revealed that Haitians ended up paying more than 112 million francs over seven decades, or $560 million – estimated between $22 billion and $44 billion in today’s dollars. Recognizing the gravity of this scandal, French economist Thomas Piketty has argued that France should repay at least $28 billion to Haiti in restitution.
A debt that’s both moral and material
Former French presidents, from Jacques Chirac to Nicolas Sarkozy to François Hollande, have a history of punishing, skirting or downplaying Haitian demands for recompense. In May 2015, when Hollande became only France’s second head of state to visit Haiti, he admitted that his country needed to “settle the debt.” Later, realizing he had unwittingly provided fuel for the legal claims already prepared by attorney Ira Kurzban on behalf of the Haitian people, Hollande clarified that he meant France’s debt was merely “moral.” To deny that the consequences of slavery were also material is to deny French history itself. France belatedly abolished slavery in 1848 in its remaining colonies of Martinique, Guadeloupe, Réunion and French Guyana, which are still territories of France today. Afterward, the French government demonstrated once again its understanding of slavery’s relationship to economics when it financially compensated the former “owners” of enslaved people. The resulting racial wealth gap is no metaphor. In metropolitan France, 14.1% of the population lives below the poverty line. In Martinique and Guadeloupe, in contrast, where more than 80% of the population is of African descent, the poverty rates are 38% and 46%, respectively. The poverty rate in Haiti is even more dire at 59%. And whereas the gross domestic product per capita – the best measure of a country’s standard of living – is $44,690 in France, it’s a mere $1,693 in Haiti. These discrepancies can be viewed as the concrete consequences of stolen labor from generations of Africans and their descendants. In recent years, French academics have begun to increasingly contribute to the conversation about the longitudinal harms the indemnity brought to Haiti. Yet what effectively amounts to a statement of “no comment” has historically been the only response from France’s current government under President Emmanuel Macron. On April 17, 2025, the bicentennial of the indemnity ordinance, Macron finally broke his silence. In an official communiqué, Macron acknowledged the “heavy financial indemnity” his country imposed upon Haiti and announced “a joint Franco-Haitian commission responsible for examining our common past and shedding light on all its dimensions.” But he did not address the question of reparations. Many Haitians were rightfully not satisfied: the only initiative from France that would really matter, they said, would be one detailing how it plans to provide economic recompense to the Haitian people. This is an updated version of an article originally published on June 30, 2020.Marlene L. Daut, Professor of French and African American Studies, Yale University This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
Latin America’s Religious Shift: More Say ‘Yes’ to God but ‘No’ to Church
New research on 220,000 Latin Americans reveals a paradox: church affiliation dropped from 93% to 82% and attendance is declining, yet personal faith remains strong. Discover why Latin America’s religious decline differs dramatically from Europe and the US.
A woman takes part in a Christ of May procession in Santiago, Chile, parading a relic from a destroyed church’s crucifix through the city. AP Photo/Esteban Felix
Latin America’s Religious Shift: More Say ‘Yes’ to God but ‘No’ to Church
Matthew Blanton, The University of Texas at Austin In a region known for its tumultuous change, one idea remained remarkably consistent for centuries: Latin America is Catholic. The region’s 500-year transformation into a Catholic stronghold seemed capped in 2013, when Jorge Mario Bergoglio of Argentina was elected as the first Latin American pope. Once a missionary outpost, Latin America is now the heart of the Catholic Church. It is home to over 575 million adherents – over 40% of all Catholics worldwide. The next-largest regions are Europe and Africa, each home to 20% of the world’s Catholics. Yet beneath this Catholic dominance, the region’s religious landscape is changing. First, Protestant and Pentecostal groups have experienced dramatic growth. In 1970, only 4% of Latin Americans identified as Protestant; by 2014, the share had climbed to almost 20%. But even as Protestant ranks swelled, another trend was quietly gaining ground: a growing share of Latin Americans abandoning institutional faith altogether. And, as my research shows, the region’s religious decline shows a surprising difference from patterns elsewhere. While fewer Latin Americans are identifying with a religion or attending services, personal faith remains strong.Women known as ‘animeras,’ who pray for the souls of the deceased, walk to a church for Day of the Dead festivities in Telembi, Ecuador.AP Photo/Carlos Noriega
Religious decline
In 2014, 8% of Latin Americans claimed no religion at all. This number is twice as high as the percentage of people who were raised without a religion, indicating that the growth is recent, coming from people who left the church as adults. However, there had been no comprehensive study of religious change in Latin America since then. My new research, published in September 2025, draws on two decades of survey data from over 220,000 respondents in 17 Latin American countries. This data comes from the AmericasBarometer, a large, region-wide survey conducted every two years by Vanderbilt University that focuses on democracy, governance and other social issues. Because it asks the same religion questions across countries and over time, it offers an unusually clear view of changing patterns. Overall, the number of Latin Americans reporting no religious affiliation surged from 7% in 2004 to over 18% in 2023. The share of people who say they are religiously unaffiliated grew in 15 of the 17 countries, and more than doubled in seven. On average, 21% of people in South America say they do not have a religious affiliation, compared with 13% in Mexico and Central America. Uruguay, Chile and Argentina are the three least religious countries in the region. Guatemala, Peru and Paraguay are the most traditionally religious, with fewer than 9% who identify as unaffiliated. Another question scholars typically use to measure religious decline is how often people go to church. From 2008 to 2023, the share of Latin Americans attending church at least once a month decreased from 67% to 60%. The percentage who never attend, meanwhile, grew from 18% to 25%. The generational pattern is stark. Among people born in the 1940s, just over half say they attend church regularly. Each subsequent generation shows a steeper decline, dropping to just 35% for those born in the 1990s. Religious affiliation shows a similar trajectory – each generation is less affiliated than the one before.
Personal religiosity
However, in my study, I also examined a lesser-used measure of religiosity – one that tells a different story. That measure is “religious importance”: how important people say that religion is in their daily lives. We might think of this as “personal” religiosity, as opposed to the “institutional” religiosity tied to formal congregations and denominations.People attend a Mass marking the International Day against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking in Buenos Aires, Argentina, on June 26, 2024.AP Photo/Rodrigo Abd Like church attendance, overall religious importance is high in Latin America. In 2010, roughly 85% of Latin Americans in the 17 countries whose data I analyzed said religion was important in their daily lives. Sixty percent said “very,” and 25% said “somewhat.” By 2023, the “somewhat important” group declined to 19%, while the “very important” group grew to 64%. Personal religious importance was growing, even as affiliation and church attendance were falling. Religious importance shows the same generational pattern as affiliation and attendance: Older people tend to report higher levels than younger ones. In 2023, 68% of people born in the 1970s said religion was “very important,” compared with 60% of those born in the 1990s. Yet when you compare people at the same age, the pattern reverses. At age 30, 55% of those born in the 1970s rated religion as very important. Compare that with 59% among Latin Americans born in the 1980s, and 62% among those born in the 1990s. If this trend continues, younger generations could eventually show greater personal religious commitment than their elders.
Affiliation vs. belief
What we are seeing in Latin America, I’d argue, is a fragmented pattern of religious decline. The authority of religious institutions is waning – fewer people claim a faith; fewer attend services. But personal belief isn’t eroding. Religious importance is holding steady, even growing. This pattern is quite different from Europe and the United States, where institutional decline and personal belief tend to move together. Eighty-six percent of unaffiliated people in Latin America say they believe in God or a higher power. That compares with only 30% in Europe and 69% in the United States. Sizable proportions of unaffiliated Latin Americans also believe in angels, miracles and even that Jesus will return to Earth in their lifetime. In other words, for many Latin Americans, leaving behind a religious label or skipping church does not mean leaving faith behind.An Aymara Indigenous spiritual guide blesses a statue of baby Jesus with incense after an Epiphany Mass at a Catholic church in La Paz, Bolivia, on Jan. 6, 2025.AP Photo/Juan Karita This distinctive pattern reflects Latin America’s unique history and culture. Since the colonial period, the region has been shaped by a mix of religious traditions. People often combine elements of Indigenous beliefs, Catholic practices and newer Protestant movements, creating personal forms of faith that don’t always fit neatly into any one church or institution. Because priests were often scarce in rural areas, Catholicism developed in many communities with little direct oversight from the church. Home rituals, local saints’ festivals and lay leaders helped shape religious life in more independent ways. This reality challenges how scholars typically measure religious change. Traditional frameworks for measuring religious decline, developed from Western European data, rely heavily on religious affiliation and church attendance. But this approach overlooks vibrant religiosity outside formal structures – and can lead scholars to mistaken conclusions. In short, Latin America reminds us that faith can thrive even as institutions fade. Matthew Blanton, PhD Candidate, Sociology and Demography, The University of Texas at Austin This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
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Mr. Drain Plumbing’s “Flush Away Hunger” Drive Shows How Small Acts Create Big Impact
Mr. Drain Plumbing’s inaugural “Flush Away Hunger” food drive collected donations for the Orangevale-Fair Oaks Food Bank, proving local businesses can mobilize communities to fight food insecurity through simple, sustainable charitable initiatives.
Mr. Drain Plumbing’s “Flush Away Hunger” Drive Shows How Small Acts Create Big Impact
When a Sacramento plumbing company decided to tackle more than just clogged drains this November, they proved that community support doesn’t require grand gestures—just genuine commitment and a willingness to show up. Mr. Drain Plumbing recently wrapped up its inaugural “Flush Away Hunger” canned food drive, a three-week initiative that brought customers and employees together to support local families facing food insecurity during the Thanksgiving season. Running from November 1st through 20th, the friendly competition collected shelf-stable items for the Orangevale–Fair Oaks Food Bank, turning everyday plumbing appointments into opportunities for meaningful community impact.
A Competition That Everyone Wins
The drive’s format was simple but effective: customers and team members competed to see who could donate the most non-perishable items. To sweeten the deal, Mr. Drain offered customers who donated four or more items a 10% discount on their next plumbing service—a small thank-you that encouraged participation while keeping the focus where it belonged: on helping neighbors in need. “This time of year can be especially difficult for many families, and we’re grateful to everyone who joined us in giving what they could,” said Patrick Fee, Co-Founder of Mr. Drain. “Our goal wasn’t to pat ourselves on the back, but simply to make a difference in our community. It all starts with small acts, and we’re honored to be part of that effort.”
While Thanksgiving and the winter holidays often inspire charitable giving, food insecurity doesn’t take a vacation. The Orangevale–Fair Oaks Food Bank serves local households throughout the year, providing not just food but resources and hope to families navigating difficult circumstances. Mr. Drain’s initiative highlights an important truth: businesses have the power to mobilize their communities in ways that extend far beyond their core services. By integrating charitable giving into their everyday operations, they created a model that’s both sustainable and scalable—one that other local businesses could easily adapt.
Small Acts, Lasting Impact
What makes the “Flush Away Hunger” drive particularly noteworthy isn’t just the donations collected, but the approach behind it. Rather than positioning themselves as saviors, Mr. Drain framed the initiative as a community effort—one where customers, employees, and the company itself all played a role. This kind of grassroots engagement matters. It reminds us that supporting our neighbors doesn’t require wealth or influence—just awareness, empathy, and action. Whether it’s donating canned goods during a plumbing appointment or volunteering at a local food bank, every contribution adds up.
Continuing the Momentum
As the holiday season continues, Mr. Drain is encouraging Sacramento-area residents to keep supporting the Orangevale–Fair Oaks Food Bank and other local nonprofits. The need doesn’t disappear when the decorations come down, and sustained community support is what allows these organizations to fulfill their missions year-round. For businesses looking to make a difference, Mr. Drain’s approach offers a blueprint: start where you are, use what you have, and invite your community to join you. The results might surprise you.
About Mr. Drain Plumbing
Mr. Drain Plumbing provides residential and commercial plumbing services throughout the Sacramento area, specializing in water heater repair, hydro-jetting, trenchless pipe replacement, and more. Their fully insured team combines advanced technology with a commitment to customer satisfaction and community engagement. To learn more about Mr. Drain Plumbing, visit mrdrainplumbers.com. For current seasonal specials and coupons, check out their coupons page.Looking for ways to support your local community this holiday season? Consider donating to the Orangevale–Fair Oaks Food Bank or reaching out to nonprofits in your area to see how you can help.
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In September 2024, Miami Dolphins star Tyreek Hill found himself at the center of a controversy that spread across social media, sparked national debate, and triggered an internal investigation inside the Miami-Dade Police Department (MDPD). More than a year later, many fans still wonder what actually happened that day — and whether Hill ever moved forward with legal action. Here’s a clear breakdown of the incident and the current status of the case.
The Traffic Stop That Sparked Outrage
On the morning of September 8, 2024 — just hours before the Dolphins’ season opener — Hill was pulled over near Hard Rock Stadium for alleged careless driving and a seat-belt violation. What followed was a violent escalation that shocked fans and critics alike.
Body-cam and bystander video footage released shortly after the incident showed officers pulling Hill from his vehicle, forcing him to the ground, placing a knee on his back, and handcuffing him. Hill later said he complied with commands and didn’t understand why the encounter became so aggressive.
The videos went viral almost instantly, raising widespread concerns about excessive force, bias in traffic stops, and how police interact with high-profile Black athletes.
A Police Officer With a History of Complaints
The MDPD later identified the officer who forcibly removed Hill from the vehicle as Danny Torres — a 27-year veteran of the department. Records revealed Torres had a long disciplinary history, including multiple suspensions for issues such as improper procedures, force violations, discourtesy, and body-camera failures.
Following public backlash, MDPD placed Torres on administrative duty pending an internal-affairs investigation. As of the latest updates, the department has not released final findings or announced disciplinary action beyond that initial administrative reassignment.
Traffic Citations Dismissed — But Not Because Hill Was Innocent or Guilty
In November 2024, Hill’s traffic tickets were officially dismissed — not because the court ruled in Hill’s favor, but because the officers who issued the citations didn’t show up in court. Without the officers present to testify, the judge dropped the case due to “lack of prosecution.”
The dismissal frustrated Hill’s legal team, who argued it showed a lack of accountability within the department. The MDPD later stated that an officer’s absence from court “does not indicate the citation lacked merit.”
Did Tyreek Hill Sue the Miami-Dade Police Department?
Short answer: No — at least not yet, and not publicly.
Hill’s legal team has repeatedly said they were exploring “every legal remedy,” including a potential civil-rights lawsuit (often filed federally under Section 1983). But after extensive research through public court records and news archives, there is no evidence that Hill has filed a federal or state civil lawsuit against MDPD or any of its officers.
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If a lawsuit had been filed, it likely would have generated major media coverage — especially given Hill’s profile and the viral nature of the incident. Instead, all reporting continues to describe Hill’s legal posture as “considering,” “evaluating,” or “preparing,” not filing.
Why the Case Remains Unresolved
Several factors may explain why the legal process remains in limbo:
Internal affairs reviews take time — and MDPD has not publicly concluded its investigation. Hill’s legal team may be waiting for the department’s findings before proceeding. Negotiations or private discussions between attorneys and the county may be occurring behind the scenes. A lawsuit could still be filed at any time if Hill’s team decides to move forward.
Without public filings, official disciplinary announcements, or new footage, the case remains in a holding pattern.
The Bigger Picture
The Tyreek Hill incident resurfaces bigger questions about policing, transparency, and accountability. The videos of Hill’s detainment reignited debates familiar to many Americans: When does a routine traffic stop become unnecessarily violent? Why aren’t officers held accountable when they fail to appear in court? And how do prior disciplinary issues go unaddressed for years?
While Hill returned to the field that same day — even mocking the handcuffs in a now-famous touchdown celebration — the impact of the incident still lingers in Miami and the NFL community.
What to Watch For Next
Here’s what could happen going forward:
MDPD may eventually release the internal-affairs findings. The county could impose discipline or policy changes based on the investigation. Hill’s legal team may file a civil-rights lawsuit. The case could appear in federal or state court if filings become public.
Until then, the situation remains officially unresolved, with more questions than answers.
For more information on the Tyreek Hill incident, see the following sources:
Marlene L. Daut, Professor of French and African American Studies, Yale University This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
