News
How the gladiators inspired evangelicals’ sense of persecution
Cavan W. Concannon, USC Dornsife College of Letters, Arts and Sciences
With the release of Ridley Scott’s “Gladiator II,” audiences will be plunged back into the cinematic excitement of the Roman amphitheater so vividly captured in its predecessor, “Gladiator.”
Scott’s film will undoubtedly capture the thrills of this spectacle. But as someone who studies the Roman world, I think it’s worth remembering that its cultural legacy goes beyond the cinematic pleasures of the big screen.
You might be surprised to learn that there are threads that tie together gladiators, Christian martyrs and the sense of persecution that exists among many U.S. evangelicals today.
Fan clubs and heartthrobs
Gladiatorial fights likely began as part of the funeral rites of wealthy Roman families. Over time, the fights became mass public events, regulated by the state and elites.
They included three sets of events: wild beast fights, the executions of criminals, and gladiatorial fights. The gladiators were the main event, with their forthcoming battles hyped on the walls of Roman cities. These advertisements often mentioned the names of the famous fighters, the number of gladiators fighting, and whether there would be fights to the death. Not all gladiators fought to the death: The gladiator Hilarus, for example, won 12 times but fought in 14 fights.
Gladiators were, by law, required to be slaves.
Their enslavers invested time and money in their training and upkeep. Roman games were put on at the expense of local elites, or even the emperor. Well-trained gladiators meant better shows for the sponsors and bigger profits for their owners. A gladiator who died in his first fight was not good for business. Meanwhile, a successful gladiator – meaning one who had made his enslaver a lot of money – could hope to be freed or be given an opportunity to buy his freedom.
Those who won could also expect to become beloved celebrities, which somewhat offset the dishonor of being enslaved. In Pompeii, multiple inscriptions mention the Thracian gladiator Celadus, calling him a heartthrob. Gladiatorial fan clubs were common. One group was likely responsible for a riot that broke out during a set of games in Pompeii in 59 C.E. There’s even evidence of gladiatorial cosplay. One Roman senator was said to have fought duels with a woman in a leopard costume at Ostia.
Meanwhile, the tombstones of gladiators in Roman-controlled Greece celebrated their prowess using language drawn from ancient athletics, which were sports that were only available to freeborn citizens. These gladiators gave themselves stage names evoking mythological heroes or their courage and bravery.
These stage names were not just for entertainment; they were attempts to immortalize their respectability. By casting themselves as athletes and not enslaved fighters, they presented themselves as participants in a noble, athletic tradition.
Christians embrace ancient athletics
Early Christians used descriptions of sports and athletics because they could be easily understood by Roman society.
Ancient athletic competitions shaped how people thought about beauty, the body, self-control, education and competition. For victorious gladiators, the outcast and the slave could paradoxically embody the ideals of Roman virtue.
In the Christian New Testament, the apostle Paul famously describes himself as a runner and a boxer and even as a gladiator. The writer of the letter to the Hebrews speaks of running a race before a heavenly crowd of witnesses.
By embracing this imagery, early Christians positioned themselves as outsiders who nonetheless championed Roman ideals and culture.
Gladiator as martyr
Some early Christians followed Paul’s example and wrote themselves into the culture of ancient sports, particularly in a genre of Christian writing focused on martyrdom.
It is commonly thought that the earliest Christians were regularly and systematically persecuted by the Roman government. But the widespread persecution of ancient Christians under the Roman Empire is a myth that modern historians have debunked. Local persecutions did happen from time to time: There were a few short periods where the imperial government targeted Christians. However, for the most part, the Romans paid little attention to Christians.
So why were Christians so focused on telling stories of martyrs?
Ancient Christians wrote violent stories about martyrs because they functioned as morality plays that taught virtue and vice.
One example is the account of the “Martyrs of Lyons and Vienne,” written sometime at the end of the second century C.E. In the story, those condemned to death in the arena are described as “noble athletes” and “noble competitors.” The author characterizes Christians – who are dying not as athletes or gladiators, but as common criminals – as those who possess the elite virtues of great athletes. The reversal of expectations gives the story its force.
You can see this in the character of Blandina, an enslaved woman who is described in the account as a noble athlete and as one who has put on Christ, the “mighty and powerful athlete.” The author instructs the audience to see her as a hero, not as a slave or a criminal: through her, “Christ showed that the things that appear worthless, obscure, and despicable among men are considered worthy of great glory with God.”
In another martyr narrative, a woman named Perpetua has a dream in which she transforms into a gladiator before her martyrdom. These early Christian martyr accounts envision games in which enslaved people display noble courage and virtue; those condemned to torture, beatings and violent deaths are unfazed. Instead, they’re self-possessed athletes who strive for imperishable crowns.
Forever persecuted
The draw of stories in which Christians are “thrown to the lions” has remained powerful. Most ancient martyr accounts were written after Christianity became legal in the Roman Empire. But Christians continued to write stories about martyrs even after they became the majority of the population.
In the U.S. today, evangelical, charismatic and conservative Christians continue to tap into the martyrdom mythology. Even as they’ve become a powerful force in national politics, many influential wings of conservative U.S. Christians have come to characterize themselves as a persecuted minority. And they keep writing martyr stories.
High school football coach Joe Kennedy became an evangelical hero for fighting for the right to pray on the field at public high school football games. Kennedy had been fired for leading postgame prayers on the field, in violation of school policy. His supporters viewed him as a champion of religious freedom who was being unfairly persecuted for his beliefs. Kennedy ultimately fought all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court, which ruled in his favor.
Other conservative Christians have also returned to the arena. This time, they’re the gladiatorial fighters and not the murdered martyrs.
The popular internet meme of Marine Todd taps into this particular fantasy: The fictional Marine gets so fed up with his atheist university professor that he punches him in front of the class. Meanwhile, the gallows and crosses that accompanied the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol juxtaposed fantasies of violence with Christian fears of persecution. While less ominous, the recent film “The Carpenter” puts Jesus ringside, telling the story of how Jesus takes on an apprentice and teaches him how to fight, MMA-style, in ancient Nazareth.
In depictions like these, Christians are no longer dying in the arena. It’s where they fight back.
Cavan W. Concannon, Professor of Religion and Classics, USC Dornsife College of Letters, Arts and Sciences
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
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Economy
U.S. Consumer Confidence Slips as Americans Grow More Cautious About the Future
U.S. consumer confidence edged lower in August as Americans became more pessimistic about jobs, income and business conditions over the next six months, despite improved views of the current economy.
NEW YORK — U.S. consumer confidence edged lower in August as Americans expressed greater concern about future business conditions, jobs and household income, even as their assessment of the current economy improved.
The Conference Board reported that its Consumer Confidence Index fell 0.8 points to 89.4 in August, down from 90.2 in July.
The relatively small decline, however, masks a widening gap between how consumers view conditions today and what they expect in the months ahead.
The Present Situation Index, which measures consumers’ assessment of current business and labor market conditions, climbed 6.8 points to 121.2, reversing three consecutive months of declines.
Meanwhile, the Expectations Index, which measures the short-term outlook for income, business and employment conditions, dropped 5.8 points to 68.2.
“Consumer confidence moderated slightly in August for a second consecutive month,” Dana M. Peterson, chief economist at The Conference Board, said in the organization’s Aug. 25 release.
Jobs Look Better Today — But Consumers Worry About Tomorrow
Americans’ perceptions of the current labor market improved considerably during August. About 27% said jobs were plentiful, up from 24.4% in July, while 19.5% said jobs were hard to get, down from 21.7%.
The outlook for the next six months was considerably weaker.
Only 14.6% expected more jobs to become available, compared with 16.4% in July. At the same time, 26.1% expected fewer jobs.
Consumers were also less optimistic about their incomes. About 17.6% expected their income to increase, down from 19.5% in July, while 13.8% expected their income to decline.
Prices Remain on Consumers’ Minds
Inflation continues to influence how Americans feel about the economy. According to The Conference Board, consumers’ written responses frequently mentioned prices, oil and gasoline, food and groceries, trade, jobs, and war or conflict.
Average and median expectations for inflation over the next 12 months also increased slightly.
Interest rates remain another concern. More than six in 10 consumers — 61.3% — expected interest rates to rise over the next year, although that was slightly lower than the 62% recorded in July.
Consumers Are Still Planning to Spend
The softer outlook hasn’t eliminated Americans’ willingness to make purchases.
Auto-buying expectations remained strong on a six-month moving-average basis, while homebuying expectations declined slightly in August but remained on a longer-term upward trend after hitting decade lows in early 2024.
Restaurants, bars and takeout; utilities; and streaming, internet and mobile services ranked among consumers’ leading planned service expenses.
Consumers were less enthusiastic about discretionary activities including movies, personal-travel hotels, airfare, amusement parks, museums and historical sites.
Why It Matters
The August numbers paint a mixed picture of the American consumer.
People are seeing some improvement in the economy they are experiencing today, particularly in the labor market. But their expectations for the next six months are becoming noticeably more cautious.
That divide matters because consumer spending represents a major part of U.S. economic activity. If concerns about employment, inflation and household income begin translating into reduced spending, weakening confidence could eventually become more significant for the broader economy.
For now, the August survey suggests Americans haven’t stopped spending — but they’re increasingly keeping an eye on what may be coming next.
The preliminary August Consumer Confidence Survey was conducted online for The Conference Board by Toluna. The survey period was Aug. 3–16, 2026.
Source: The Conference Board, August 2026 Consumer Confidence Survey®, released Aug. 25, 2026.
STM Daily News Economy News Brief
Sources
- The Conference Board — U.S. Consumer Confidence, August 2026 — Primary source for the August Consumer Confidence Index, Present Situation Index and Expectations Index.
- The Conference Board — Consumer Confidence Survey & Data — Consumer confidence survey information, methodology and release schedule.
Related Economic Data
- Bureau of Economic Analysis — Consumer Spending — Official U.S. data tracking personal consumption expenditures. Consumer spending increased 0.2% in July 2026.
- BEA — Personal Income and Outlays, July 2026 — Tracks household income, disposable income, consumer spending and saving.
- Bureau of Labor Statistics — Consumer Price Index — Official inflation data. The July 2026 CPI was up 3.4% from a year earlier; August CPI is scheduled for release September 11.
- Federal Reserve — Consumer Credit — Federal Reserve data covering revolving and nonrevolving consumer credit.
Lifestyle
California and Minnesota Face $1B Medicaid Funding Hold
The Trump administration is withholding more than $1 billion in Medicaid funding from California and Minnesota over disputed medical claims. A social-policy historian examines how concerns about fraud have historically been used to justify funding cuts and undermine public confidence in Medicaid.
Ben Zdencanovic, University of Cambridge
California and Minnesota Face $1B Medicaid Funding Hold
The Trump administration announced on July 21, 2026, that it’s withholding US$867 million in federal healthcare funding for California and $200 million for Minnesota – a total of more than $1 billion.
Federal officials said the two states had failed to provide sufficient evidence that a number of disputed medical claims were legitimate. These include bills for in-home care and other services covered by the two states’ Medicaid programs for low-income residents.
Medicaid administrators say the funds can be recovered if the states supply the requested documentation. But the action is highly unusual: Typically, Medicaid officials partner with states to conduct an audit when they suspect fraud, a careful process that often takes years.
It’s the second time in 2026 that the Trump administration has withheld or deferred federal Medicaid funds for several states, including California and Minnesota, because of alleged fraud and abuse. The Democratic governors of those states have called the decision a politically motivated attack on their constituents.
I’m a historian of social policy who led the first comprehensive historical overview of Medi-Cal, California’s statewide Medicaid system. I’ve found that U.S. leaders have long used the language of fraud and abuse to blur the line between correcting very real failures within Medicaid and – as I believe the Trump administration is currently doing – discrediting and defunding the program itself.
Slashing the safety net
The Medicaid restrictions are part of the Trump administration’s overall efforts to slash federal funding for the safety net.
The large tax-and-spending bill that Trump signed into law in July 2025 as the cornerstone of his second-term agenda pared eligibility for Medicaid by introducing work requirements for some adults. It is cutting close to $1 trillion in federal spending on the program over the next decade.
Researchers estimate that almost 12 million people, on top of the estimated 28 million without health insurance in 2025, could become uninsured by 2034 due to these changes. By mid-2026, more than 3 million people had already lost their insurance coverage due to Republican changes to the Affordable Care Act.
‘Padlocking’ the ‘cookie jar’
In February 2026, Vice President JD Vance, Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and Dr. Mehmet Oz, the administrator of the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, or CMS, announced a new anti-fraud initiative called Comprehensive Regulations to Uncover Suspicious Healthcare.
Also known by its rather unsubtle acronym, CRUSH, this initiative is taking unprecedented steps to withhold and defer funds in response to suspected fraud. “CMS is done trying to catch fraudsters with their hands in the cookie jar,” Oz said in announcing CRUSH’s formation. “Instead, we’re padlocking the jar and letting them starve.”
To be sure, Medicaid fraud, waste and abuse – such as providers billing Medicaid for services that are unnecessary or never rendered – are very real problems that cost taxpayers billions of dollars annually. They do divert funds from the low-income and disabled Americans enrolled in the program.
But the Trump administration’s latest moves are part of a much broader history of weaponizing Medicaid fraud and abuse – both real and imagined. I see them as a politicized attempt to prove that Medicaid itself is wasteful, that state governments cannot be trusted to administer federal money, and that public benefits inevitably invite dishonesty.
Providing little oversight at the start
Medicaid was established, along with Medicare for older adults, in 1965 as part of President Lyndon B. Johnson’s “Great Society” reforms. Despite providing millions of Americans with health insurance coverage for the first time, these programs had few centralized mechanisms for the kind of federal oversight that could prevent and catch fraud and abuse.
And the sheer scale and complexity of the Medicaid system – joint federal-state funding, varying eligibility requirements, millions of enrollees and thousands of providers – created opportunities for questionable billing practices among providers.
The 1970s saw a number of highly publicized Medicaid scandals involving nursing homes, laboratories, pharmacies and so-called “Medicaid mills” – healthcare providers that sought to bill the government for large numbers of Medicaid patients for shoddy and often fraudulent care.
A series of high-profile congressional investigations spurred demand for stronger Medicaid oversight and enforcement. That led to the Medicare-Medicaid Anti-Fraud and Abuse Amendments of 1977, which established the national Medicaid Fraud Control Units program.
The state-run Medicaid Fraud Control Units received generous federal matching funds to investigate and prosecute fraud.
The most serious Medicaid fraud was generally committed by healthcare providers and contractors, not patients. Medicaid Fraud Control Units were principally responsible for investigating providers, while also prosecuting the abuse and neglect of patients whose care was billed to Medicaid.
At the same time, however, Medicaid was becoming entangled in a broader political debate over social spending, whether many Americans were becoming too dependent on government benefits, and the alleged use of benefits by people who should not have received them. In the 1980s and 1990s, widely circulated stories about Medicaid exposed fraud and malfeasance by providers.
But disproportionately, they also highlighted the comparatively few instances of fraud by people enrolled in the program, such as cases where they submitted false receipts for covered medically related travel or sold drugs they obtained through Medicaid for free or at low cost.
Using Medicare fraud to justify spending cuts
The distinction between Medicaid and cash assistance programs, such as the Aid to Families with Dependent Children “welfare” program, frequently disappeared in political rhetoric. False or exaggerated stories that portrayed African American single mothers living extravagantly while fraudulently claiming welfare benefits became potent symbols of supposed government failure.
While campaigning as a presidential candidate, Ronald Reagan seized on this trope of the “welfare queen” in his attacks on social spending.
By the mid-1990s, opposition to welfare programs had become increasingly bipartisan. Politicians in both parties often used tales of Medicaid fraud on the part of providers and recipients to justify tighter eligibility rules and spending cuts.
Federal oversight expanded further with the Deficit Reduction Act of 2005, which created the Medicaid Integrity Program and strengthened federal oversight of state programs. The Affordable Care Act, the landmark healthcare legislation Congress passed in 2010, added new measures to screen providers and verify billing.
Concerns about Medicaid’s “integrity” became highly politicized in the debates surrounding the ACA. Critics of Medicaid expansion argued that increasing the number of people who could get health insurance through the program would increase fraud and improper enrollment. Supporters of expanding Medicaid to help more Americans gain health insurance maintained that anti-fraud rhetoric often disguised ideological opposition to the program’s expansion.
Blurring distinctions then and now
For the six decades that this program has helped millions of low-income Americans get healthcare, politicians have blurred the distinction between protecting Medicaid from abuse and using abuse to discredit Medicaid itself.
In my view, the Trump administration’s campaigns against California and Minnesota continue that pattern. It is using real weaknesses within Medicaid to advance much broader political arguments: that Democratic states cannot be trusted, that public benefits naturally invite abuse, and that withholding funds is itself a form of reform.
The result will no doubt be that fewer low-income Americans will be able to get the healthcare they need.
Ben Zdencanovic, Assistant Professor of U.S. History, University of Cambridge
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
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Automotive
Slate Truck Moves Closer to Reality as December 2026 Deliveries Come Into View
Slate Truck deliveries could begin in December 2026. Here’s the latest on its $24,950 price, 205-mile range, preorders and Indiana production.
Last Updated on September 6, 2026 by Daily News Staff
The $24,950 electric pickup is approaching production, but early availability will be limited—and many buyers may wait well into 2027.
Slate Auto’s minimalist electric pickup is moving closer to becoming something customers can actually park in their driveways.
After months of describing its launch simply as “late 2026,” the startup has reportedly begun asking some preorder holders whether they would be interested in taking delivery as early as December. The outreach provides the clearest indication yet of when the first production Slate Trucks could reach American roads.
That does not mean every early customer will receive a truck before the end of the year. According to emails reviewed by Business Insider, customers were offered the possibility of a December 2026 delivery, while other estimated windows stretched from early 2027 through July–September 2027.
Still, the news is an important milestone for one of the most closely watched—and most unconventional—new vehicles in America.
From an under-$20,000 promise to a $24,950 truck
When Slate emerged from stealth in 2025, much of the attention centered on the possibility of an electric truck costing less than $20,000 after federal incentives. The expiration of the federal consumer EV tax credit eliminated the subsidy that made that advertised figure possible.
Slate later established an official starting price of $24,950 before destination charges, taxes and accessories. With a reported $1,450 destination fee, the effective starting point is approximately $26,400 before a buyer begins personalizing the truck.
That remains unusually inexpensive in a market where the average new vehicle approaches $50,000. It also preserves Slate’s central argument: Many buyers might prefer a simple new vehicle over a feature-packed model carrying a much larger monthly payment.
The important question is how many buyers will remain satisfied with the base vehicle once they see what $24,950 does—and does not—include.
Basic by design
The Slate Truck starts as a two-seat, two-door electric pickup with manual windows, physical climate controls and gray composite exterior panels. There is no built-in infotainment screen or conventional factory stereo. Drivers can use a smartphone, portable speaker or optional accessories instead.
These omissions are not oversights. They are fundamental to Slate’s strategy of reducing manufacturing complexity and allowing customers to pay only for the equipment they want.
Owners will be able to add exterior wraps, upgraded audio equipment, storage systems, roof racks and other accessories. A more substantial SUV kit can add an enclosed rear section and second-row seating, transforming the small pickup into a five-passenger vehicle.
Slate says its marketplace will offer more than 200 accessories, with more than 80 percent priced below $500. That flexibility is appealing, but it also creates the possibility that a $24,950 truck could quickly approach or exceed $30,000 after buyers add color, audio, additional seating and everyday conveniences.
More range without a higher base price
One of the most meaningful improvements is the truck’s estimated driving range. Early versions of the Slate concept were associated with approximately 150 miles from the standard battery. Slate now advertises roughly 205 miles of estimated range at the same $24,950 base price.
The current specification uses a 52.7-kWh battery and a single rear-mounted electric motor. Slate says the battery can charge from 20 to 80 percent in under 30 minutes under suitable fast-charging conditions.
Approximately 205 miles should make the truck more practical for commuting, local deliveries and daily errands. It remains less suited to frequent long-distance travel than many larger EVs, but the additional range substantially strengthens the value proposition.
Final range, charging performance and other specifications remain subject to change because the vehicle is still in pre-production.
Production preparations continue in Indiana
Slate plans to manufacture the truck at a former printing facility in Warsaw, Indiana. The company says three design-verification prototype vehicles were completed ahead of schedule while expansion of the plant continues.
The factory project represents an investment of nearly $400 million and is expected to create more than 2,000 jobs. Slate has designed its production system around simplicity: composite body panels eliminate the need for a conventional paint shop, while a limited number of factory configurations should reduce assembly complexity.
The company has reported more than 180,000 refundable $50 reservations. When formal preorders opened in June 2026, customers were asked to place a $300 nonrefundable deposit—reduced to an additional $250 for existing reservation holders—to secure an estimated delivery window. The money is applied to the eventual purchase price.
Slate reportedly collected more than 10,000 of those preorder deposits within the opening hours. That shows genuine interest, but refundable reservations and early deposits are not the same as completed vehicle sales. The real test will begin when customers must finalize configurations, financing and purchase agreements.
December would be a beginning, not a full rollout
If Slate places its first customer trucks on the road in December, it will have met its broad late-2026 target. However, the first deliveries are expected to be low-volume, with production increasing during the first half of 2027.
That distinction matters. A handful of December deliveries would demonstrate that Slate can build a saleable vehicle, but it would not prove that the company can manufacture tens of thousands of trucks reliably, control costs, supply replacement parts or support customers across the country.
For a new automaker, scaling production and service can be more difficult than designing an appealing prototype. Slate must show that its low-cost philosophy works not only in the showroom but also in manufacturing, quality control, repairs and long-term ownership.
Ford Fathom adds pressure to the equation
Slate may enjoy an early lead, but it will not have the affordable electric-truck category to itself for long.
Ford’s forthcoming Fathom electric pickup is expected to start around $28,350 and reach customers in fall 2027. For only a few thousand dollars more than a base Slate, the Ford is expected to provide four doors and more conventional standard equipment.
The two trucks represent very different ideas of affordability. Slate removes features and lets owners add them later. Ford appears to be pursuing a more familiar, fully equipped small-truck experience while attempting to keep the price near $30,000.
Slate’s advantage is that it could arrive first and carry a lower advertised price. Ford’s advantages include manufacturing scale, an established service network and decades of experience selling trucks.
The bottom line
The Slate Truck is no longer merely an intriguing rendering or auto-show experiment. A firm price has been announced, preorders are underway, verification vehicles have been built, factory preparations are advancing and the first customer deliveries may now be only months away.
At $24,950—or approximately $26,400 after destination—the Slate remains one of the most interesting efforts to make a new electric vehicle genuinely affordable. Its improved estimated range makes the proposition considerably stronger than it was at launch.
But the original question has not disappeared: Will buyers embrace a truly basic truck, or will the cost of turning that blank Slate into a comfortable everyday vehicle erase too much of its price advantage?
December 2026 may give us the first real answer.
Sources and further reading
- Slate Auto: How to preorder
- Slate Auto: Vehicle specifications
- Slate Auto: Warsaw factory update
- Business Insider: Earliest Slate deliveries
- Axios: Indiana-built EVs target affordability
Vehicle specifications, prices and delivery estimates remain subject to change before production.
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