News
How the gladiators inspired evangelicals’ sense of persecution
Cavan W. Concannon, USC Dornsife College of Letters, Arts and Sciences
With the release of Ridley Scott’s “Gladiator II,” audiences will be plunged back into the cinematic excitement of the Roman amphitheater so vividly captured in its predecessor, “Gladiator.”
Scott’s film will undoubtedly capture the thrills of this spectacle. But as someone who studies the Roman world, I think it’s worth remembering that its cultural legacy goes beyond the cinematic pleasures of the big screen.
You might be surprised to learn that there are threads that tie together gladiators, Christian martyrs and the sense of persecution that exists among many U.S. evangelicals today.
Fan clubs and heartthrobs
Gladiatorial fights likely began as part of the funeral rites of wealthy Roman families. Over time, the fights became mass public events, regulated by the state and elites.
They included three sets of events: wild beast fights, the executions of criminals, and gladiatorial fights. The gladiators were the main event, with their forthcoming battles hyped on the walls of Roman cities. These advertisements often mentioned the names of the famous fighters, the number of gladiators fighting, and whether there would be fights to the death. Not all gladiators fought to the death: The gladiator Hilarus, for example, won 12 times but fought in 14 fights.
Gladiators were, by law, required to be slaves.
Their enslavers invested time and money in their training and upkeep. Roman games were put on at the expense of local elites, or even the emperor. Well-trained gladiators meant better shows for the sponsors and bigger profits for their owners. A gladiator who died in his first fight was not good for business. Meanwhile, a successful gladiator – meaning one who had made his enslaver a lot of money – could hope to be freed or be given an opportunity to buy his freedom.
Those who won could also expect to become beloved celebrities, which somewhat offset the dishonor of being enslaved. In Pompeii, multiple inscriptions mention the Thracian gladiator Celadus, calling him a heartthrob. Gladiatorial fan clubs were common. One group was likely responsible for a riot that broke out during a set of games in Pompeii in 59 C.E. There’s even evidence of gladiatorial cosplay. One Roman senator was said to have fought duels with a woman in a leopard costume at Ostia.
Meanwhile, the tombstones of gladiators in Roman-controlled Greece celebrated their prowess using language drawn from ancient athletics, which were sports that were only available to freeborn citizens. These gladiators gave themselves stage names evoking mythological heroes or their courage and bravery.
These stage names were not just for entertainment; they were attempts to immortalize their respectability. By casting themselves as athletes and not enslaved fighters, they presented themselves as participants in a noble, athletic tradition.
Christians embrace ancient athletics
Early Christians used descriptions of sports and athletics because they could be easily understood by Roman society.
Ancient athletic competitions shaped how people thought about beauty, the body, self-control, education and competition. For victorious gladiators, the outcast and the slave could paradoxically embody the ideals of Roman virtue.
In the Christian New Testament, the apostle Paul famously describes himself as a runner and a boxer and even as a gladiator. The writer of the letter to the Hebrews speaks of running a race before a heavenly crowd of witnesses.
By embracing this imagery, early Christians positioned themselves as outsiders who nonetheless championed Roman ideals and culture.
Gladiator as martyr
Some early Christians followed Paul’s example and wrote themselves into the culture of ancient sports, particularly in a genre of Christian writing focused on martyrdom.
It is commonly thought that the earliest Christians were regularly and systematically persecuted by the Roman government. But the widespread persecution of ancient Christians under the Roman Empire is a myth that modern historians have debunked. Local persecutions did happen from time to time: There were a few short periods where the imperial government targeted Christians. However, for the most part, the Romans paid little attention to Christians.
So why were Christians so focused on telling stories of martyrs?
Ancient Christians wrote violent stories about martyrs because they functioned as morality plays that taught virtue and vice.
One example is the account of the “Martyrs of Lyons and Vienne,” written sometime at the end of the second century C.E. In the story, those condemned to death in the arena are described as “noble athletes” and “noble competitors.” The author characterizes Christians – who are dying not as athletes or gladiators, but as common criminals – as those who possess the elite virtues of great athletes. The reversal of expectations gives the story its force.
You can see this in the character of Blandina, an enslaved woman who is described in the account as a noble athlete and as one who has put on Christ, the “mighty and powerful athlete.” The author instructs the audience to see her as a hero, not as a slave or a criminal: through her, “Christ showed that the things that appear worthless, obscure, and despicable among men are considered worthy of great glory with God.”
In another martyr narrative, a woman named Perpetua has a dream in which she transforms into a gladiator before her martyrdom. These early Christian martyr accounts envision games in which enslaved people display noble courage and virtue; those condemned to torture, beatings and violent deaths are unfazed. Instead, they’re self-possessed athletes who strive for imperishable crowns.
Forever persecuted
The draw of stories in which Christians are “thrown to the lions” has remained powerful. Most ancient martyr accounts were written after Christianity became legal in the Roman Empire. But Christians continued to write stories about martyrs even after they became the majority of the population.
In the U.S. today, evangelical, charismatic and conservative Christians continue to tap into the martyrdom mythology. Even as they’ve become a powerful force in national politics, many influential wings of conservative U.S. Christians have come to characterize themselves as a persecuted minority. And they keep writing martyr stories.
High school football coach Joe Kennedy became an evangelical hero for fighting for the right to pray on the field at public high school football games. Kennedy had been fired for leading postgame prayers on the field, in violation of school policy. His supporters viewed him as a champion of religious freedom who was being unfairly persecuted for his beliefs. Kennedy ultimately fought all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court, which ruled in his favor.
Other conservative Christians have also returned to the arena. This time, they’re the gladiatorial fighters and not the murdered martyrs.
The popular internet meme of Marine Todd taps into this particular fantasy: The fictional Marine gets so fed up with his atheist university professor that he punches him in front of the class. Meanwhile, the gallows and crosses that accompanied the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol juxtaposed fantasies of violence with Christian fears of persecution. While less ominous, the recent film “The Carpenter” puts Jesus ringside, telling the story of how Jesus takes on an apprentice and teaches him how to fight, MMA-style, in ancient Nazareth.
In depictions like these, Christians are no longer dying in the arena. It’s where they fight back.
Cavan W. Concannon, Professor of Religion and Classics, USC Dornsife College of Letters, Arts and Sciences
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
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News
Black Los Angeles Is Shrinking—and Spreading Across the West
Black Los Angeles has changed dramatically over the past several decades. Explore why its population declined, where families moved, and which neighborhoods continue to anchor the region’s Black community.
Last Updated on August 21, 2026 by Daily News Staff
Black Los Angeles?
For much of the 20th century, South Los Angeles was the center of one of the most influential Black communities in the western United States. Neighborhoods such as Watts, West Adams, Crenshaw, Baldwin Hills and Leimert Park produced political leaders, musicians, entrepreneurs and cultural movements whose influence reached far beyond Southern California.
That community has not disappeared, but it has become smaller and considerably more dispersed.
Census figures show that Los Angeles has experienced a sustained decline in its Black population, particularly within the city and the older communities of South Los Angeles.
A decades-long population decline
In 1990, approximately 454,000 Los Angeles residents identified as non-Hispanic Black alone, representing about 13% of the city’s population. By the 2020 Census, that number had fallen to approximately 323,000—or about 8.3% of the population.
The same pattern is visible across Los Angeles County.
The county’s non-Hispanic Black population declined from approximately 935,000 in 1990 to about 761,000 in 2020. Between 2010 and 2020 alone, it fell by nearly 55,000 people, even as the county’s total population increased.
These numbers do not include everyone with partial Black ancestry or those identifying as multiracial. Nevertheless, the figures reveal a clear geographic and demographic shift.
Black Los Angeles has not simply vanished. It has spread outward.
Why have Black families left Los Angeles?
Housing costs are one of the most important factors.
As rents and home prices rose, many working- and middle-class families found it increasingly difficult to remain in neighborhoods where their families had lived for generations. Redevelopment and gentrification placed additional pressure on renters and homeowners, particularly in areas near downtown Los Angeles and new transit investments.
Older homeowners could sometimes benefit from rising property values, but their children often could not afford to purchase homes nearby. Selling a Los Angeles property also gave some families enough equity to buy larger or newer homes elsewhere.
Researchers at UC Berkeley’s Terner Center found that Black households were disproportionately represented among lower-income residents leaving the Los Angeles region.
Employment changes also contributed. Los Angeles lost many of the manufacturing, aerospace and industrial jobs that had helped support Black working-class families during the postwar period. Meanwhile, metropolitan areas in other states offered lower housing costs and growing professional communities.
Where did people go?
A significant portion of the movement remained within Southern California.
Lancaster and Palmdale in the Antelope Valley attracted families from South Los Angeles, Compton and Inglewood. Others moved east into Riverside and San Bernardino counties.
Between 1990 and 2021, Riverside County’s Black population grew from approximately 64,000 to more than 156,000. San Bernardino County’s Black population increased from approximately 115,000 to 174,000 during the same period.
The Urban Institute concluded that many Black residents leaving Los Angeles County likely settled in these neighboring Inland Empire counties.
Other families left California entirely. Las Vegas and Phoenix became important destinations for people seeking comparatively affordable housing while remaining relatively close to Southern California.
Farther away, Atlanta, Dallas–Fort Worth, Houston and Charlotte have attracted Black professionals and families as part of what researchers call the “New Great Migration”—a movement of Black Americans toward metropolitan areas in the South.
Where are the remaining Black population centers?
The strongest concentration within the city continues to run through the Crenshaw district and surrounding neighborhoods.
Leimert Park remains the symbolic and cultural heart of Black Los Angeles. Baldwin Hills, Baldwin Vista, Hyde Park, West Adams and Crenshaw also retain important Black institutions, churches, businesses and homeowners.
Immediately outside the city, View Park–Windsor Hills and Ladera Heights remain two of the county’s most prominent Black middle- and upper-middle-class communities. Recent American Community Survey estimates indicate that approximately 55% of Ladera Heights residents identify as Black.
Inglewood remains another major center of Black cultural and commercial life, despite its transition into a predominantly Latino city. Central and northern Inglewood, particularly areas near Morningside Park, View Park and Hyde Park, retain substantial Black populations.
Farther south, Black communities remain in Westmont, West Athens, Carson, Gardena, North Long Beach and portions of Compton. Most of these places are no longer majority-Black, but they continue to contain significant populations and long-established community institutions.
Lancaster and Palmdale now represent one of the county’s largest suburban concentrations of Black families. Unlike the compact neighborhoods of historic South Los Angeles, however, the Antelope Valley population is distributed across a much larger area.
Altadena was another important center of Black homeownership before the January 2025 Eaton Fire. The community’s Black population had already declined from its 1980 peak, but west Altadena still contained generations of Black homeowners. The fire destroyed or seriously damaged many of those homes, leaving the community’s future uncertain.
A community transformed, not erased
Today’s Black Los Angeles is more fragmented and suburban than the community that existed during the second half of the 20th century.
Leimert Park, Crenshaw and Baldwin Hills remain culturally significant, but they are now part of a much wider network extending from Inglewood and Carson to Lancaster, Palmdale and the Inland Empire.
This transformation presents a challenge for maintaining political representation, neighborhood institutions and cultural connections. A population that once lived within a relatively concentrated area is now spread across multiple cities, counties and states.
The story, therefore, is not simply that Black Los Angeles declined.
It is that rising housing costs, economic changes and suburban migration redrew the map of Black life in Southern California.
Sources: U.S. Census data compiled by Los Angeles Almanac, Urban Institute, UC Berkeley Terner Center and Brookings Institution.
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Automotive
EV Interest Climbs as Gas Price Uncertainty Pushes Families Toward Electric SUVs
With ongoing uncertainty surrounding global oil prices, more U.S. consumers are buying and showing more interest in electric vehicles (EVs). The shift comes as car shoppers weigh fuel costs, improving affordability and a growing number of family-friendly electric SUVs.
EV Interest Climbs as Gas Price Uncertainty Pushes Families Toward Electric SUVs
(Feature Impact)With ongoing uncertainty surrounding global oil prices, more U.S. consumers are buying and showing more interest in electric vehicles (EVs). The shift comes as car shoppers weigh fuel costs, improving affordability and a growing number of family-friendly electric SUVs.
Watch this video to learn more
According to Spectrum News, EV sales increased in the first quarter of this year. In the same time frame, interest in new EVs increased 16% and interest in used EVs increased by 30%. As families look for opportunities to ditch the gas pump without sacrificing power or space, new all-electric options create a compelling argument for families to turn to EVs.
For those looking to offset their weekly fuel up, the 2026 Kia EV9 can save drivers around $1,800-3,400 per year compared to gas-powered SUVs. Cars.com named the 2026 Kia EV9 the Best Electric Vehicle of 2026 for the second consecutive year.
“The Kia EV9 stood out because it delivers everything we want from a modern electric SUV – strong real-world range, fast charging, excellent space and comfort, and smart flexibility across the lineup,” said Mike Hanley, Sr. Road Test Editor, Cars.com.
For those who aren’t ready to switch to a fully electric vehicle, Kia has expanded its hybrid options. The 2026 Kia Sportage Hybrid adds horsepower and updated design features, while the Kia Telluride model offers a hybrid version for the first time with a total driving range of up to 637 miles on the Ex FWD-trim.
To learn more about the Kia EV9 and Kia’s hybrid models, visit Kia at kia.com.
SOURCE:
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High Speed Rail
Brightline West Construction Advances, But Opening Timeline Shifts Beyond the 2028 Olympics
Construction continues to expand along Interstate 15 as Brightline West moves closer to connecting Southern California and Las Vegas with 200 mph electric trains, though the opening timeline has shifted to late 2029.
The vision of traveling between Southern California and Las Vegas in about two hours by high-speed rail is steadily becoming more tangible as Brightline West expands construction activity along the Interstate 15 corridor.
Since construction officially began in 2025, work has continued to ramp up in both California and Nevada. Motorists traveling I-15 may have noticed increased construction activity, survey crews, utility work, and periodic lane closures as the project moves from planning into full-scale development.
Construction Is Becoming More Visible
Brightline West’s 218-mile all-electric high-speed rail line will connect Rancho Cucamonga, California, with Las Vegas, Nevada, using the median of Interstate 15 for much of the route.
Current work includes:
- Utility relocation
- Geotechnical investigations
- Site preparation
- Early civil construction
- Continued work around future station locations
As construction progresses, travelers should expect additional traffic impacts along portions of I-15 while crews prepare for bridges, guideways, track installation, and station construction.
A New Timeline
One of the biggest developments since construction began is a revised completion schedule.
While Brightline West was once expected to open before the 2028 Los Angeles Olympic Games, current projections now place passenger service in late 2029.
Large infrastructure projects frequently experience schedule adjustments due to inflation, labor availability, permitting, and supply chain challenges. Although the delay means Olympic visitors are unlikely to ride the line, construction continues to move forward.
Four Passenger Stations Planned
The line will include stations at:
- Las Vegas
- Apple Valley
- Hesperia
- Rancho Cucamonga
Passengers traveling from Los Angeles will transfer to Brightline West using Metrolink at Rancho Cucamonga, creating an important connection between Southern California’s commuter rail network and the new high-speed line.
Fast, Electric Travel
When complete, Brightline West trains are expected to operate at speeds approaching 200 mph, reducing travel time between Rancho Cucamonga and Las Vegas to approximately 2 hours and 10 minutes.
The fully electric trains are being manufactured by Siemens and are designed to offer a comfortable alternative to one of America’s busiest highway corridors.
Looking Ahead
The next major milestones will likely include visible bridge construction, elevated guideways, station buildings, track installation, electrical systems, and eventually testing of the first trainsets.
While passengers will have to wait a bit longer than originally hoped, Brightline West remains one of the most ambitious passenger rail projects currently under construction in the United States.
For Southern California, it represents more than a faster trip to Las Vegas—it could signal the beginning of a new era for high-speed passenger rail in the American West.
Have you driven the I-15 corridor recently? Have you seen any Brightline West construction? Share your observations in the comments below, and subscribe to the STM Daily News newsletter for more transportation and infrastructure updates.
Source and Related Links
- Brightline West – Construction:Construction Plan & Current Project Details — breakdown of the Nevada and California construction segments, stations, track/electrification and maintenance facility.
- Brightline West – Construction Advisories:Current Construction Advisories — useful for ongoing field investigations, lane impacts and work-zone updates.
- Brightline West – Project Overview:Official Project Overview — confirms the 218-mile Las Vegas–Rancho Cucamonga route and overall project scope.
- Nevada Department of Transportation:Brightline West High-Speed Rail Project — government source covering the route, stations, $3 billion federal award and construction background.
- Siemens Mobility:American Pioneer 220 Manufacturing Facility — details on the U.S.-built high-speed trainsets and Siemens’ Horseheads, New York manufacturing facility.
- Brightline West – Official Groundbreaking:April 2024 Groundbreaking Announcement — useful background on the project’s infrastructure, bridges, rail, electrification and Buy America commitments.
