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RFK Jr. says annual COVID-19 shots no longer advised for healthy children and pregnant women – a public health expert explains the new guidance

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Until now, the CDC has recommended that everyone ages 6 months and older get a yearly COVID-19 vaccine.
Asiaselects via Getty Images

Libby Richards, Purdue University

On May 27, 2025, Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. announced that the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention will no longer include the COVID-19 vaccine on the list of immunizations it recommends for healthy children and pregnant women.

The announcement, made in a video posted on the social platform X, comes on the heels of another announcement, made on May 20, in which the Food and Drug Administration revealed that it will approve new versions of the vaccine only for adults 65 years of age and older and for people with one or more risk factors for severe COVID-19 outcomes. The agency will require vaccine manufacturers to conduct clinical trials to demonstrate that the vaccine benefits low-risk groups.

The Conversation U.S. asked Libby Richards, a nursing professor from Purdue University involved in public health promotion, to explain what these announcements mean for the general public.

Why are HHS and FDA diverging from past practice?

Currently, getting a yearly COVID-19 vaccine is recommended for everyone ages 6 months and older, regardless of their health risk.

In the video announcing the plan to remove the vaccine from the CDC’s recommended immunization schedule for healthy children and healthy pregnant women, Kennedy spoke alongside National Institutes of Health Director Jay Bhattacharya and FDA Commissioner Marty Makary. The trio cited a lack of evidence to support vaccinating healthy children. They did not explain the reason for the change to the vaccine schedule for pregnant people, who have previously been considered at high-risk for severe COVID-19.

Similarly, in the FDA announcement made a week prior, Makary and the agency’s head of vaccines, Vinay Prasad, said that public health trends now support limiting vaccines to people at high risk of serious illness instead of a universal COVID-19 vaccination strategy.

Was this a controversial decision or a clear consensus?

Many public health experts and professional health care associations have raised concerns about Kennedy’s latest announcement, saying it contradicts studies showing that COVID-19 vaccination benefits pregnant people and children. The American College of Obstetrics and Gynecology, considered the premier professional organization for that medical specialty, reinforced the importance of COVID-19 vaccination during pregnancy, especially to protect infants after birth. Likewise, the American Academy of Pediatrics pointed to the data on hospitalizations of children with COVID-19 during the 2024-to-2025 respiratory virus season as evidence for the importance of vaccination.

Kennedy’s announcement on children and pregnant women comes roughly a month ahead of a planned meeting of the Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices, a panel of vaccine experts that offers guidance to the CDC on vaccine policy. The meeting was set to review guidance for the 2025-to-2026 COVID-19 vaccines. It’s not typical for the CDC to alter its recommendations without input from the committee.

Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has removed COVID-19 vaccines from the vaccine schedule for healthy children and pregnant people.

FDA officials Makary and Prasad also strayed from past established vaccine regulatory processes in announcing the FDA’s new stance on recommendations for healthy people under age 65. Usually, the FDA broadly approves a vaccine based on whether it is safe and effective, and decisions on who should be eligible to receive it are left to the CDC, which bases its decision on the advisory committee’s research-based guidance.

The advisory committee was expected to recommend a risk-based approach for the COVID-19 vaccine, but it was also expected to recommend allowing low-risk people to get annual COVID-19 vaccines if they want to. The CDC’s and FDA’s new policies on the vaccine will likely make it difficult for healthy people to get the vaccine.

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What conditions count as risk factors?

The CDC lists several medical conditions and other factors that increase peoples’ risk for severe COVID-19. These conditions include cancer, diabetes, heart disease, obesity, chronic kidney disease and some lung conditions like COPD and asthma. Pregnancy is also on the list.

The article authored by Makary and Prasad describing the FDA’s new stance on the vaccine also contain a lengthy list of risk factors and notes that about 100 million to 200 million people will fall into this category and will thus be eligible to get the vaccine. Pregnancy is included. Reversing the recommendation for vaccinating healthy pregnant women thus contradicts the new framework described by the FDA.

Studies have documented that COVID-19 vaccines are safe during pregnancy and may reduce the risk of stillbirth. A study published in May 2025 using data from 26,783 pregnancies found a link between COVID-19 infection before and during pregnancy and an increased risk for spontaneous abortions.

Importantly, a 2024 analysis of 120 studies including a total of 168,444 pregnant women with COVID-19 infections did not find enough evidence to suggest the infections are a direct cause of early pregnancy loss. Nonetheless, the authors did state that COVID-19 vaccination remains a crucial preventive measure for pregnant women to reduce the overall risk of serious complications in pregnancy due to infection.

Immune changes during pregnancy increase the risk of severe illness from respiratory viruses. Vaccination during pregnancy also provides protection to the fetus that lasts into the first few months of life and is associated with a lower risk of COVID-19 related hospitalization among infants.

Rite-Aid sign advertising COVID-19 vaccines
Change is coming to COVID-19 vaccine policy.
Rick Obst, CC BY-SA

The changes to the CDC’s and the FDA’s plan for COVID-19 vaccines also leave out an important group – caregivers and household members of people at high risk of severe illness from infection. This omission leaves high-risk people more vulnerable to exposure to COVID-19 from healthy people they regularly interact with. Multiple countries with risk-based vaccination policies do include this group.

What about vaccines for children?

High-risk children age 6 months and older who have conditions that increase the risk of severe COVID-19 are still eligible for the vaccine. Existing vaccines already on the market will remain available, but it is unclear how long they will stay authorized and how the change in vaccine policy will affect childhood vaccination overall.

To date, millions of children have safely received the COVID-19 vaccine. Data on whether children benefit from annual COVD-19 vaccines is less clear. Parents and clinicians make vaccination decisions by weighing potential risks with potential benefits.

Will low-risk people be able to get a COVID-19 shot?

Not automatically. Kennedy’s announcement does not broadly address healthy adults, but under the new FDA framework, healthy adults who wish to receive the fall COVID-19 vaccine will likely face obstacles. Health care providers can administer vaccines “off-label”, but insurance coverage is widely based on FDA recommendations. The new, narrower FDA approval will likely reduce both access to COVID-19 vaccines for the general public and insurance coverage for COVID-19 vaccines.

Under the Affordable Care Act, Medicare, Medicaid and private insurance providers are required to fully cover the cost of any vaccine endorsed by the CDC. Kennedy’s announcement will likely limit insurance coverage for COVID-19 vaccination.

Overall, the move to focus on individual risks and benefits may overlook broader public health benefits. Communities with higher vaccination rates have fewer opportunities to spread the virus.

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This is an updated version of an article originally published on May 22, 2025.

Libby Richards, Professor of Nursing, Purdue University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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Economy

U.S. Consumer Confidence Slips as Americans Grow More Cautious About the Future

U.S. consumer confidence edged lower in August as Americans became more pessimistic about jobs, income and business conditions over the next six months, despite improved views of the current economy.

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NEW YORK — U.S. consumer confidence edged lower in August as Americans expressed greater concern about future business conditions, jobs and household income, even as their assessment of the current economy improved.

U.S. consumer confidence slipped in August 2026 as Americans grew more concerned about jobs, income and future business conditions.

The Conference Board reported that its Consumer Confidence Index fell 0.8 points to 89.4 in August, down from 90.2 in July.

The relatively small decline, however, masks a widening gap between how consumers view conditions today and what they expect in the months ahead.

The Present Situation Index, which measures consumers’ assessment of current business and labor market conditions, climbed 6.8 points to 121.2, reversing three consecutive months of declines.

Meanwhile, the Expectations Index, which measures the short-term outlook for income, business and employment conditions, dropped 5.8 points to 68.2.

“Consumer confidence moderated slightly in August for a second consecutive month,” Dana M. Peterson, chief economist at The Conference Board, said in the organization’s Aug. 25 release.

Jobs Look Better Today — But Consumers Worry About Tomorrow

Americans’ perceptions of the current labor market improved considerably during August. About 27% said jobs were plentiful, up from 24.4% in July, while 19.5% said jobs were hard to get, down from 21.7%.

The outlook for the next six months was considerably weaker.

Only 14.6% expected more jobs to become available, compared with 16.4% in July. At the same time, 26.1% expected fewer jobs.

Consumers were also less optimistic about their incomes. About 17.6% expected their income to increase, down from 19.5% in July, while 13.8% expected their income to decline.

Prices Remain on Consumers’ Minds

Inflation continues to influence how Americans feel about the economy. According to The Conference Board, consumers’ written responses frequently mentioned prices, oil and gasoline, food and groceries, trade, jobs, and war or conflict.

Average and median expectations for inflation over the next 12 months also increased slightly.

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Interest rates remain another concern. More than six in 10 consumers — 61.3% — expected interest rates to rise over the next year, although that was slightly lower than the 62% recorded in July.

Consumers Are Still Planning to Spend

The softer outlook hasn’t eliminated Americans’ willingness to make purchases.

Auto-buying expectations remained strong on a six-month moving-average basis, while homebuying expectations declined slightly in August but remained on a longer-term upward trend after hitting decade lows in early 2024.

Restaurants, bars and takeout; utilities; and streaming, internet and mobile services ranked among consumers’ leading planned service expenses.

Consumers were less enthusiastic about discretionary activities including movies, personal-travel hotels, airfare, amusement parks, museums and historical sites.

Why It Matters

The August numbers paint a mixed picture of the American consumer.

People are seeing some improvement in the economy they are experiencing today, particularly in the labor market. But their expectations for the next six months are becoming noticeably more cautious.

That divide matters because consumer spending represents a major part of U.S. economic activity. If concerns about employment, inflation and household income begin translating into reduced spending, weakening confidence could eventually become more significant for the broader economy.

For now, the August survey suggests Americans haven’t stopped spending — but they’re increasingly keeping an eye on what may be coming next.

The preliminary August Consumer Confidence Survey was conducted online for The Conference Board by Toluna. The survey period was Aug. 3–16, 2026.

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Source: The Conference Board, August 2026 Consumer Confidence Survey®, released Aug. 25, 2026.

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Lifestyle

California and Minnesota Face $1B Medicaid Funding Hold

The Trump administration is withholding more than $1 billion in Medicaid funding from California and Minnesota over disputed medical claims. A social-policy historian examines how concerns about fraud have historically been used to justify funding cuts and undermine public confidence in Medicaid.

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Agents, many wearing jackets or vests emblazoned with 'FBI,' exit a building with what appears to be a trove of documents.Medicaid Funding.
Federal agents execute a search in December 2025 tied to potential Medicaid fraud in Bloomington, Minn. Christopher Juhn/Anadolu via Getty Images

Ben Zdencanovic, University of Cambridge

California and Minnesota Face $1B Medicaid Funding Hold

The Trump administration announced on July 21, 2026, that it’s withholding US$867 million in federal healthcare funding for California and $200 million for Minnesota – a total of more than $1 billion.

Federal officials said the two states had failed to provide sufficient evidence that a number of disputed medical claims were legitimate. These include bills for in-home care and other services covered by the two states’ Medicaid programs for low-income residents.

Medicaid administrators say the funds can be recovered if the states supply the requested documentation. But the action is highly unusual: Typically, Medicaid officials partner with states to conduct an audit when they suspect fraud, a careful process that often takes years.

It’s the second time in 2026 that the Trump administration has withheld or deferred federal Medicaid funds for several states, including California and Minnesota, because of alleged fraud and abuse. The Democratic governors of those states have called the decision a politically motivated attack on their constituents.

I’m a historian of social policy who led the first comprehensive historical overview of Medi-Cal, California’s statewide Medicaid system. I’ve found that U.S. leaders have long used the language of fraud and abuse to blur the line between correcting very real failures within Medicaid and – as I believe the Trump administration is currently doing – discrediting and defunding the program itself.

Who pays when Medicaid is cut? It affects children’s health care, nursing home care, disability services and health insurance.

Slashing the safety net

The Medicaid restrictions are part of the Trump administration’s overall efforts to slash federal funding for the safety net.

The large tax-and-spending bill that Trump signed into law in July 2025 as the cornerstone of his second-term agenda pared eligibility for Medicaid by introducing work requirements for some adults. It is cutting close to $1 trillion in federal spending on the program over the next decade.

Researchers estimate that almost 12 million people, on top of the estimated 28 million without health insurance in 2025, could become uninsured by 2034 due to these changes. By mid-2026, more than 3 million people had already lost their insurance coverage due to Republican changes to the Affordable Care Act.

‘Padlocking’ the ‘cookie jar’

In February 2026, Vice President JD Vance, Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and Dr. Mehmet Oz, the administrator of the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, or CMS, announced a new anti-fraud initiative called Comprehensive Regulations to Uncover Suspicious Healthcare.

Also known by its rather unsubtle acronym, CRUSH, this initiative is taking unprecedented steps to withhold and defer funds in response to suspected fraud. “CMS is done trying to catch fraudsters with their hands in the cookie jar,” Oz said in announcing CRUSH’s formation. “Instead, we’re padlocking the jar and letting them starve.”

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To be sure, Medicaid fraud, waste and abuse – such as providers billing Medicaid for services that are unnecessary or never rendered – are very real problems that cost taxpayers billions of dollars annually. They do divert funds from the low-income and disabled Americans enrolled in the program.

But the Trump administration’s latest moves are part of a much broader history of weaponizing Medicaid fraud and abuse – both real and imagined. I see them as a politicized attempt to prove that Medicaid itself is wasteful, that state governments cannot be trusted to administer federal money, and that public benefits inevitably invite dishonesty.

Robert F. Kennedy Jr. points to a chart pertaining to Medicaid fraud.
Secretary of Health and Human Services Robert F. Kennedy Jr. speaks about alleged Medicaid fraud and charges in Minneapolis in May 2026. Christopher Juhn/Anadolu via Getty Images

Providing little oversight at the start

Medicaid was established, along with Medicare for older adults, in 1965 as part of President Lyndon B. Johnson’s “Great Society” reforms. Despite providing millions of Americans with health insurance coverage for the first time, these programs had few centralized mechanisms for the kind of federal oversight that could prevent and catch fraud and abuse.

And the sheer scale and complexity of the Medicaid system – joint federal-state funding, varying eligibility requirements, millions of enrollees and thousands of providers – created opportunities for questionable billing practices among providers.

The 1970s saw a number of highly publicized Medicaid scandals involving nursing homes, laboratories, pharmacies and so-called “Medicaid mills” – healthcare providers that sought to bill the government for large numbers of Medicaid patients for shoddy and often fraudulent care.

A series of high-profile congressional investigations spurred demand for stronger Medicaid oversight and enforcement. That led to the Medicare-Medicaid Anti-Fraud and Abuse Amendments of 1977, which established the national Medicaid Fraud Control Units program.

The state-run Medicaid Fraud Control Units received generous federal matching funds to investigate and prosecute fraud.

The most serious Medicaid fraud was generally committed by healthcare providers and contractors, not patients. Medicaid Fraud Control Units were principally responsible for investigating providers, while also prosecuting the abuse and neglect of patients whose care was billed to Medicaid.

At the same time, however, Medicaid was becoming entangled in a broader political debate over social spending, whether many Americans were becoming too dependent on government benefits, and the alleged use of benefits by people who should not have received them. In the 1980s and 1990s, widely circulated stories about Medicaid exposed fraud and malfeasance by providers.

But disproportionately, they also highlighted the comparatively few instances of fraud by people enrolled in the program, such as cases where they submitted false receipts for covered medically related travel or sold drugs they obtained through Medicaid for free or at low cost.

Using Medicare fraud to justify spending cuts

The distinction between Medicaid and cash assistance programs, such as the Aid to Families with Dependent Children “welfare” program, frequently disappeared in political rhetoric. False or exaggerated stories that portrayed African American single mothers living extravagantly while fraudulently claiming welfare benefits became potent symbols of supposed government failure.

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While campaigning as a presidential candidate, Ronald Reagan seized on this trope of the “welfare queen” in his attacks on social spending.

A large crowd of people wait on lines in a black and white photo from the 1970s.
People line up at the Baltimore City Welfare Office in 1975, years before concerns about social spending led to big cuts to safety net programs. O’Halloran/Library of Congress via Getty Images

By the mid-1990s, opposition to welfare programs had become increasingly bipartisan. Politicians in both parties often used tales of Medicaid fraud on the part of providers and recipients to justify tighter eligibility rules and spending cuts.

Federal oversight expanded further with the Deficit Reduction Act of 2005, which created the Medicaid Integrity Program and strengthened federal oversight of state programs. The Affordable Care Act, the landmark healthcare legislation Congress passed in 2010, added new measures to screen providers and verify billing.

Concerns about Medicaid’s “integrity” became highly politicized in the debates surrounding the ACA. Critics of Medicaid expansion argued that increasing the number of people who could get health insurance through the program would increase fraud and improper enrollment. Supporters of expanding Medicaid to help more Americans gain health insurance maintained that anti-fraud rhetoric often disguised ideological opposition to the program’s expansion.

Blurring distinctions then and now

For the six decades that this program has helped millions of low-income Americans get healthcare, politicians have blurred the distinction between protecting Medicaid from abuse and using abuse to discredit Medicaid itself.

In my view, the Trump administration’s campaigns against California and Minnesota continue that pattern. It is using real weaknesses within Medicaid to advance much broader political arguments: that Democratic states cannot be trusted, that public benefits naturally invite abuse, and that withholding funds is itself a form of reform.

The result will no doubt be that fewer low-income Americans will be able to get the healthcare they need.

Ben Zdencanovic, Assistant Professor of U.S. History, University of Cambridge

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

💪 Your health journey starts here! Explore the latest health news, fitness tips, wellness trends, and healthy living advice. Share your thoughts in the comments and subscribe to the STM Daily News newsletter to stay informed and inspired every day.

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Automotive

Slate Truck Moves Closer to Reality as December 2026 Deliveries Come Into View

Slate Truck deliveries could begin in December 2026. Here’s the latest on its $24,950 price, 205-mile range, preorders and Indiana production.

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Last Updated on September 6, 2026 by Daily News Staff

The $24,950 electric pickup is approaching production, but early availability will be limited—and many buyers may wait well into 2027.

Slate Truck deliveries could begin in December 2026. Here’s the latest on its $24,950 price, 205-mile range, preorders and Indiana production.
Image Credit: Slate Auto

Slate Auto’s minimalist electric pickup is moving closer to becoming something customers can actually park in their driveways.

After months of describing its launch simply as “late 2026,” the startup has reportedly begun asking some preorder holders whether they would be interested in taking delivery as early as December. The outreach provides the clearest indication yet of when the first production Slate Trucks could reach American roads.

That does not mean every early customer will receive a truck before the end of the year. According to emails reviewed by Business Insider, customers were offered the possibility of a December 2026 delivery, while other estimated windows stretched from early 2027 through July–September 2027.

Still, the news is an important milestone for one of the most closely watched—and most unconventional—new vehicles in America.

Slate Truck Deliveries Could Begin in December 2026

From an under-$20,000 promise to a $24,950 truck

When Slate emerged from stealth in 2025, much of the attention centered on the possibility of an electric truck costing less than $20,000 after federal incentives. The expiration of the federal consumer EV tax credit eliminated the subsidy that made that advertised figure possible.

Slate Press Kit 10
Image Credit: Slate Auto

Slate later established an official starting price of $24,950 before destination charges, taxes and accessories. With a reported $1,450 destination fee, the effective starting point is approximately $26,400 before a buyer begins personalizing the truck.

That remains unusually inexpensive in a market where the average new vehicle approaches $50,000. It also preserves Slate’s central argument: Many buyers might prefer a simple new vehicle over a feature-packed model carrying a much larger monthly payment.

The important question is how many buyers will remain satisfied with the base vehicle once they see what $24,950 does—and does not—include.

Basic by design

The Slate Truck starts as a two-seat, two-door electric pickup with manual windows, physical climate controls and gray composite exterior panels. There is no built-in infotainment screen or conventional factory stereo. Drivers can use a smartphone, portable speaker or optional accessories instead.

These omissions are not oversights. They are fundamental to Slate’s strategy of reducing manufacturing complexity and allowing customers to pay only for the equipment they want.

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Owners will be able to add exterior wraps, upgraded audio equipment, storage systems, roof racks and other accessories. A more substantial SUV kit can add an enclosed rear section and second-row seating, transforming the small pickup into a five-passenger vehicle.

Slate says its marketplace will offer more than 200 accessories, with more than 80 percent priced below $500. That flexibility is appealing, but it also creates the possibility that a $24,950 truck could quickly approach or exceed $30,000 after buyers add color, audio, additional seating and everyday conveniences.

More range without a higher base price

One of the most meaningful improvements is the truck’s estimated driving range. Early versions of the Slate concept were associated with approximately 150 miles from the standard battery. Slate now advertises roughly 205 miles of estimated range at the same $24,950 base price.

The current specification uses a 52.7-kWh battery and a single rear-mounted electric motor. Slate says the battery can charge from 20 to 80 percent in under 30 minutes under suitable fast-charging conditions.

Approximately 205 miles should make the truck more practical for commuting, local deliveries and daily errands. It remains less suited to frequent long-distance travel than many larger EVs, but the additional range substantially strengthens the value proposition.

Final range, charging performance and other specifications remain subject to change because the vehicle is still in pre-production.

Production preparations continue in Indiana

Slate plans to manufacture the truck at a former printing facility in Warsaw, Indiana. The company says three design-verification prototype vehicles were completed ahead of schedule while expansion of the plant continues.

The factory project represents an investment of nearly $400 million and is expected to create more than 2,000 jobs. Slate has designed its production system around simplicity: composite body panels eliminate the need for a conventional paint shop, while a limited number of factory configurations should reduce assembly complexity.

The company has reported more than 180,000 refundable $50 reservations. When formal preorders opened in June 2026, customers were asked to place a $300 nonrefundable deposit—reduced to an additional $250 for existing reservation holders—to secure an estimated delivery window. The money is applied to the eventual purchase price.

Slate reportedly collected more than 10,000 of those preorder deposits within the opening hours. That shows genuine interest, but refundable reservations and early deposits are not the same as completed vehicle sales. The real test will begin when customers must finalize configurations, financing and purchase agreements.

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December would be a beginning, not a full rollout

If Slate places its first customer trucks on the road in December, it will have met its broad late-2026 target. However, the first deliveries are expected to be low-volume, with production increasing during the first half of 2027.

That distinction matters. A handful of December deliveries would demonstrate that Slate can build a saleable vehicle, but it would not prove that the company can manufacture tens of thousands of trucks reliably, control costs, supply replacement parts or support customers across the country.

For a new automaker, scaling production and service can be more difficult than designing an appealing prototype. Slate must show that its low-cost philosophy works not only in the showroom but also in manufacturing, quality control, repairs and long-term ownership.

Ford Fathom adds pressure to the equation

Slate may enjoy an early lead, but it will not have the affordable electric-truck category to itself for long.

Ford’s forthcoming Fathom electric pickup is expected to start around $28,350 and reach customers in fall 2027. For only a few thousand dollars more than a base Slate, the Ford is expected to provide four doors and more conventional standard equipment.

The two trucks represent very different ideas of affordability. Slate removes features and lets owners add them later. Ford appears to be pursuing a more familiar, fully equipped small-truck experience while attempting to keep the price near $30,000.

Slate’s advantage is that it could arrive first and carry a lower advertised price. Ford’s advantages include manufacturing scale, an established service network and decades of experience selling trucks.

The bottom line

The Slate Truck is no longer merely an intriguing rendering or auto-show experiment. A firm price has been announced, preorders are underway, verification vehicles have been built, factory preparations are advancing and the first customer deliveries may now be only months away.

At $24,950—or approximately $26,400 after destination—the Slate remains one of the most interesting efforts to make a new electric vehicle genuinely affordable. Its improved estimated range makes the proposition considerably stronger than it was at launch.

But the original question has not disappeared: Will buyers embrace a truly basic truck, or will the cost of turning that blank Slate into a comfortable everyday vehicle erase too much of its price advantage?

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December 2026 may give us the first real answer.

Sources and further reading

Vehicle specifications, prices and delivery estimates remain subject to change before production.

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