News
Water is the other US-Mexico border crisis, and the supply crunch is getting worse
The U.S.-Mexico border is facing a severe water crisis exacerbated by climate change, increased demand, and pollution. Collaborative governance is essential to address these growing challenges effectively.
Gabriel Eckstein, Texas A&M University and Rosario Sanchez, Texas A&M University
Immigration and border security will be the likely focus of U.S.-Mexico relations under the new Trump administration. But there also is a growing water crisis along the U.S.–Mexico border that affects tens of millions of people on both sides, and it can only be managed if the two governments work together.
Climate change is shrinking surface and groundwater supplies in the southwestern U.S. Higher air temperatures are increasing evaporation rates from rivers and streams and intensifying drought. Mexico is also experiencing multiyear droughts and heat waves.
Growing water use is already overtaxing limited supplies from nearly all of the region’s cross-border rivers, streams and aquifers. Many of these sources are contaminated with agricultural pollutants, untreated waste and other substances, further reducing the usability of available water.
As Texas-based scholars who study the legal and scientific aspects of water policy, we know that communities, farms and businesses in both countries rely on these scarce water supplies. In our view, water conditions on the border have changed so much that the current legal framework for managing them is inadequate.
Unless both nations recognize this fact, we believe that water problems in the region are likely to worsen, and supplies may never recover to levels seen as recently as the 1950s. Although the U.S. and Mexico have moved to address these concerns by updating the 1944 water treaty, these steps are not long-term solutions.
Growing demand, shrinking supply
The U.S.-Mexico border region is mostly arid, with water coming from a few rivers and an unknown amount of groundwater. The main rivers that cross the border are the Colorado and the Rio Grande – two of the most water-stressed systems in the world.
The Colorado River provides water to more than 44 million people, including seven U.S. and two Mexican states, 29 Indian tribes and 5.5 million acres of farmland. Only about 10% of its total flow reaches Mexico. The river once emptied into the Gulf of California, but now so much water is withdrawn along its course that since the 1960s it typically peters out in the desert.
The Rio Grande supplies water to roughly 15 million people, including 22 Indian tribes, three U.S. and four Mexican states and 2.8 million irrigated acres. It forms the 1,250-mile (2,000-kilometer) Texas-Mexico border, winding from El Paso in the west to the Gulf of Mexico in the east.
Other rivers that cross the border include the Tijuana, San Pedro, Santa Cruz, New and Gila. These are all significantly smaller and have less economic impact than the Colorado and the Rio Grande.
At least 28 aquifers – underground rock formations that contain water – also traverse the border. With a few exceptions, very little information on these shared resources exists. One thing that is known is that many of them are severely overtapped and contaminated.
Nonetheless, reliance on aquifers is growing as surface water supplies dwindle. Some 80% of groundwater used in the border region goes to agriculture. The rest is used by farmers and industries, such as automotive and appliance manufacturers.
Over 10 million people in 30 cities and communities throughout the border region rely on groundwater for domestic use. Many communities, including Ciudad Juarez; the sister cities of Nogales in both Arizona and Sonora; and the sister cities of Columbus in New Mexico and Puerto Palomas in Chihuahua, get all or most of their fresh water from these aquifers.
A booming region
About 30 million people live within 100 miles (160 kilometers) of the border on both sides. Over the next 30 years, that figure is expected to double.
Municipal and industrial water use throughout the region is also expected to increase. In Texas’ lower Rio Grande Valley, municipal use alone could more than double by 2040.
At the same time, as climate change continues to worsen, scientists project that snowmelt will decrease and evaporation rates will increase. The Colorado River’s baseflow – the portion of its volume that comes from groundwater, rather than from rain and snow – may decline by nearly 30% in the next 30 years.
Precipitation patterns across the region are projected to be uncertain and erratic for the foreseeable future. This trend will fuel more extreme weather events, such as droughts and floods, which could cause widespread harm to crops, industrial activity, human health and the environment.
Further stress comes from growth and development. Both the Colorado River and Rio Grande are tainted by pollutants from agricultural, municipal and industrial sources. Cities on both sides of the border, especially on the Mexican side, have a long history of dumping untreated sewage into the Rio Grande. Of the 55 water treatment plants located along the border, 80% reported ongoing maintenance, capacity and operating problems as of 2019.
Drought across the border region is already stoking domestic and bilateral tensions. Competing water users are struggling to meet their needs, and the U.S. and Mexico are straining to comply with treaty obligations for sharing water.
Cross-border water politics
Mexico and the United States manage water allocations in the border region mainly under two treaties: a 1906 agreement focused on the Upper Rio Grande Basin and a 1944 treaty covering the Colorado River and Lower Rio Grande.
Under the 1906 treaty, the U.S. is obligated to deliver 60,000 acre-feet of water to Mexico where the Rio Grande reaches the border. This target may be reduced during droughts, which have occurred frequently in recent decades. An acre-foot is enough water to flood an acre of land 1 foot deep – about 325,000 gallons (1.2 million liters).
Allocations under the 1944 treaty are more complicated. The U.S. is required to deliver 1.5 million acre-feet of Colorado River water to Mexico at the border – but as with the 1906 treaty, reductions are allowed in cases of extraordinary drought.
Until the mid-2010s, the U.S. met its full obligation each year. Since then, however, regional drought and climate change have severely reduced the Colorado River’s flow, requiring substantial allocation reductions for both the U.S. and Mexico.
In 2025, states in the U.S. section of the lower Colorado River basin will see a reduction of over 1 million acre-feet from prior years. Mexico’s allocation will decline by approximately 280,500 acre-feet under the 1944 treaty.
This agreement provides each nation with designated fractions of flows from the Lower Rio Grande and specific tributaries. Regardless of water availability or climatic conditions, Mexico also is required to deliver to the U.S. a minimum of 1,750,000 acre-feet of water from six named tributaries, averaged over five-year cycles. If Mexico falls short in one cycle, it can make up the deficit in the next five-year cycle, but cannot delay repayment further. https://www.youtube.com/embed/IgWSMgg9TmE?wmode=transparent&start=0 The U.S. and Mexico are struggling to share a shrinking water supply in the border region.
Since the 1990s, extraordinary droughts have caused Mexico to miss its delivery obligations three times. Although Mexico repaid its water debts in subsequent cycles, these shortfalls raised diplomatic tensions that led to last-minute negotiations and large-scale water transfers from Mexico to the U.S.
Mexican farmers in Lower Rio Grande irrigation districts who had to shoulder these cuts felt betrayed. In 2020, they protested, confronting federal soldiers and temporarily seizing control of a dam.
U.S. President Donald Trump and Mexican President Claudia Scheinbaum clearly appreciate the political and economic importance of the border region. But if water scarcity worsens, it could supplant other border priorities.
In our view, the best way to prevent this would be for the two countries to recognize that conditions are deteriorating and update the existing cross-border governance regime so that it reflects today’s new water realities.
Gabriel Eckstein, Professor of Law, Texas A&M University and Rosario Sanchez, Senior Research Scientist, Texas Water Resources Institute, Texas A&M University
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
Community
ABCs for School Zone Safety: Tips for Drivers, Pedestrians and Bicyclists
School Zone Safety: A new school year means there’s more traffic around school campuses. Between dropoffs and pickups, children riding bicycles, walking to school and all the shuttling between sports practices and other extracurricular activities, this season is a reminder to make every trip to and from school a safe one.
ABCs for School Zone Safety: Tips for Drivers, Pedestrians and Bicyclists
(Feature Impact) A new school year means there’s more traffic around school campuses. Between dropoffs and pickups, children riding bicycles, walking to school and all the shuttling between sports practices and other extracurricular activities, this season is a reminder to make every trip to and from school a safe one.
To make sure no parent worries about their child getting to school safely, the California Office of Traffic Safety (OTS) and Caltrans are encouraging drivers, pedestrians and bicyclists to remember their “ABCs” on every trip: stay Alert for Bicyclists and watch for and yield to Children crossing the street.
With students in school and traffic patterns changing, consider these tips so students arrive to and from class safely:
Drivers
Because children outside of vehicles do not have the same protections as drivers and passengers, drivers have an outsized role to protect people walking, biking and rolling.
- Take your time and be patient.
- Always follow the speed limit.
- Use extra caution at crosswalks and intersections, especially if you notice children nearby.
- Don’t drive distracted – even a quick glance at your phone can have tragic consequences.
- Never drive while impaired.
- Adjust your driving to the conditions and use extra caution in rain, fog and darkness.
- If you see a bicyclist ahead, wait until it’s safe to pass and give them at least 3 feet of space when you do.
Pedestrians
Pedestrians have an important role in their own safety, particularly in school zones and crosswalks where children and other people may be present.
- Use sidewalks when available. If there are no sidewalks, walk facing traffic so you can see drivers and they can see you.
- Avoid crossing outside of crosswalks. If there is a signalized crosswalk or marked crosswalk, use it.
- Before crossing the street, look both ways. If there are any stopped or turning cars, try to make eye contact with the drivers before crossing so you know they see you.
- If you’re walking after dark or when visibility is poor, make yourself visible by wearing something bright or reflective and shining a light.
- Stay alert – don’t wear headphones or use your phone while crossing the street or walking across a busy road.
Bicyclists
Bicyclists can help protect themselves by staying alert and visible, especially in areas where traffic, pedestrians and young students may be present.
- When possible, plan your route along bike paths or roads with dedicated bike lanes away from vehicle traffic.
- Equip your bicycle with lights and reflectors to be more visible to drivers and pedestrians.
- Wear a properly fitted helmet and bright clothing.
- Learn cyclist hand signals to communicate when you’re turning, slowing or stopping.
- Stay aware of drivers and always yield to pedestrians.
To learn more and join the movement, visit GoSafelyCA.org.
E-Bike Safety Tips
With more young people using e-bikes than ever before, it’s important that riders and their parents or guardians understand the risks involved and make smart, safe choices.
Since e-bikes can travel at faster speeds than traditional bicycles, they pose greater risk for serious injury or death in the event of a crash. Class 1 and 2 e-bikes can both travel at up to 20 mph unassisted, while Class 3 e-bikes can go as fast as 28 mph unassisted.
E-bike rules vary based on the top unassisted speed, but parents and guardians should follow these tips for e-bikes:
- Many local ordinances and state laws restrict e-bike use for minors or require special licensing.
- Helmets are required for riders under age 18 for Class 1-2 e-bikes and all riders on Class 3 e-bikes, regardless of age.
- You must be 16 years or older to ride a Class 3 e-bike.
- Never ride e-bikes that don’t have pedals as they could be considered e-motos and not legally permitted on roads.
- Ride in bike lanes or on legal paths, avoiding roads with traffic when possible.
- Be as predictable as possible and use caution when making turns, crossing streets or riding in conditions with poor visibility.
E-bike rules may vary by state and regionally. Contact local law enforcement regarding local laws.
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News
Black Los Angeles Is Shrinking—and Spreading Across the West
Black Los Angeles has changed dramatically over the past several decades. Explore why its population declined, where families moved, and which neighborhoods continue to anchor the region’s Black community.
Last Updated on August 21, 2026 by Daily News Staff
Black Los Angeles?
For much of the 20th century, South Los Angeles was the center of one of the most influential Black communities in the western United States. Neighborhoods such as Watts, West Adams, Crenshaw, Baldwin Hills and Leimert Park produced political leaders, musicians, entrepreneurs and cultural movements whose influence reached far beyond Southern California.
That community has not disappeared, but it has become smaller and considerably more dispersed.
Census figures show that Los Angeles has experienced a sustained decline in its Black population, particularly within the city and the older communities of South Los Angeles.
A decades-long population decline
In 1990, approximately 454,000 Los Angeles residents identified as non-Hispanic Black alone, representing about 13% of the city’s population. By the 2020 Census, that number had fallen to approximately 323,000—or about 8.3% of the population.
The same pattern is visible across Los Angeles County.
The county’s non-Hispanic Black population declined from approximately 935,000 in 1990 to about 761,000 in 2020. Between 2010 and 2020 alone, it fell by nearly 55,000 people, even as the county’s total population increased.
These numbers do not include everyone with partial Black ancestry or those identifying as multiracial. Nevertheless, the figures reveal a clear geographic and demographic shift.
Black Los Angeles has not simply vanished. It has spread outward.
Why have Black families left Los Angeles?
Housing costs are one of the most important factors.
As rents and home prices rose, many working- and middle-class families found it increasingly difficult to remain in neighborhoods where their families had lived for generations. Redevelopment and gentrification placed additional pressure on renters and homeowners, particularly in areas near downtown Los Angeles and new transit investments.
Older homeowners could sometimes benefit from rising property values, but their children often could not afford to purchase homes nearby. Selling a Los Angeles property also gave some families enough equity to buy larger or newer homes elsewhere.
Researchers at UC Berkeley’s Terner Center found that Black households were disproportionately represented among lower-income residents leaving the Los Angeles region.
Employment changes also contributed. Los Angeles lost many of the manufacturing, aerospace and industrial jobs that had helped support Black working-class families during the postwar period. Meanwhile, metropolitan areas in other states offered lower housing costs and growing professional communities.
Where did people go?
A significant portion of the movement remained within Southern California.
Lancaster and Palmdale in the Antelope Valley attracted families from South Los Angeles, Compton and Inglewood. Others moved east into Riverside and San Bernardino counties.
Between 1990 and 2021, Riverside County’s Black population grew from approximately 64,000 to more than 156,000. San Bernardino County’s Black population increased from approximately 115,000 to 174,000 during the same period.
The Urban Institute concluded that many Black residents leaving Los Angeles County likely settled in these neighboring Inland Empire counties.
Other families left California entirely. Las Vegas and Phoenix became important destinations for people seeking comparatively affordable housing while remaining relatively close to Southern California.
Farther away, Atlanta, Dallas–Fort Worth, Houston and Charlotte have attracted Black professionals and families as part of what researchers call the “New Great Migration”—a movement of Black Americans toward metropolitan areas in the South.
Where are the remaining Black population centers?
The strongest concentration within the city continues to run through the Crenshaw district and surrounding neighborhoods.
Leimert Park remains the symbolic and cultural heart of Black Los Angeles. Baldwin Hills, Baldwin Vista, Hyde Park, West Adams and Crenshaw also retain important Black institutions, churches, businesses and homeowners.
Immediately outside the city, View Park–Windsor Hills and Ladera Heights remain two of the county’s most prominent Black middle- and upper-middle-class communities. Recent American Community Survey estimates indicate that approximately 55% of Ladera Heights residents identify as Black.
Inglewood remains another major center of Black cultural and commercial life, despite its transition into a predominantly Latino city. Central and northern Inglewood, particularly areas near Morningside Park, View Park and Hyde Park, retain substantial Black populations.
Farther south, Black communities remain in Westmont, West Athens, Carson, Gardena, North Long Beach and portions of Compton. Most of these places are no longer majority-Black, but they continue to contain significant populations and long-established community institutions.
Lancaster and Palmdale now represent one of the county’s largest suburban concentrations of Black families. Unlike the compact neighborhoods of historic South Los Angeles, however, the Antelope Valley population is distributed across a much larger area.
Altadena was another important center of Black homeownership before the January 2025 Eaton Fire. The community’s Black population had already declined from its 1980 peak, but west Altadena still contained generations of Black homeowners. The fire destroyed or seriously damaged many of those homes, leaving the community’s future uncertain.
A community transformed, not erased
Today’s Black Los Angeles is more fragmented and suburban than the community that existed during the second half of the 20th century.
Leimert Park, Crenshaw and Baldwin Hills remain culturally significant, but they are now part of a much wider network extending from Inglewood and Carson to Lancaster, Palmdale and the Inland Empire.
This transformation presents a challenge for maintaining political representation, neighborhood institutions and cultural connections. A population that once lived within a relatively concentrated area is now spread across multiple cities, counties and states.
The story, therefore, is not simply that Black Los Angeles declined.
It is that rising housing costs, economic changes and suburban migration redrew the map of Black life in Southern California.
Sources: U.S. Census data compiled by Los Angeles Almanac, Urban Institute, UC Berkeley Terner Center and Brookings Institution.
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Automotive
EV Interest Climbs as Gas Price Uncertainty Pushes Families Toward Electric SUVs
With ongoing uncertainty surrounding global oil prices, more U.S. consumers are buying and showing more interest in electric vehicles (EVs). The shift comes as car shoppers weigh fuel costs, improving affordability and a growing number of family-friendly electric SUVs.
EV Interest Climbs as Gas Price Uncertainty Pushes Families Toward Electric SUVs
(Feature Impact)With ongoing uncertainty surrounding global oil prices, more U.S. consumers are buying and showing more interest in electric vehicles (EVs). The shift comes as car shoppers weigh fuel costs, improving affordability and a growing number of family-friendly electric SUVs.
Watch this video to learn more
According to Spectrum News, EV sales increased in the first quarter of this year. In the same time frame, interest in new EVs increased 16% and interest in used EVs increased by 30%. As families look for opportunities to ditch the gas pump without sacrificing power or space, new all-electric options create a compelling argument for families to turn to EVs.
For those looking to offset their weekly fuel up, the 2026 Kia EV9 can save drivers around $1,800-3,400 per year compared to gas-powered SUVs. Cars.com named the 2026 Kia EV9 the Best Electric Vehicle of 2026 for the second consecutive year.
“The Kia EV9 stood out because it delivers everything we want from a modern electric SUV – strong real-world range, fast charging, excellent space and comfort, and smart flexibility across the lineup,” said Mike Hanley, Sr. Road Test Editor, Cars.com.
For those who aren’t ready to switch to a fully electric vehicle, Kia has expanded its hybrid options. The 2026 Kia Sportage Hybrid adds horsepower and updated design features, while the Kia Telluride model offers a hybrid version for the first time with a total driving range of up to 637 miles on the Ex FWD-trim.
To learn more about the Kia EV9 and Kia’s hybrid models, visit Kia at kia.com.
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