The Bridge
Why so many South Korean women are refusing to date, marry or have kids
South Korean women are confronting severe sexism and rising digital sex crimes, prompting movements like 4B, where women reject relationships with men amid increasing gender hostility and resentment.
Min Joo Lee, Indiana University
South Korea finds itself embroiled in an all-out gender war – and it keeps getting worse.
The animosity between Korean men and women has reached a point where some women are outright refusing to date, marry and have kids with men – a phenomenon known as the 4B movement.
As a Korean feminist scholar living in the U.S., I’ve followed this gender war from afar as I conducted research on contemporary Korean gender politics.
However, I also became embroiled in it myself after my research on Korean masculinity was published by CNN.
The article described foreign women who traveled to Korea after becoming enamored of the idea of dating Korean men from watching Korean television dramas. I pointed out that since the tourists’ fantasies were based on fictional characters, some of them ended up disappointed with the Korean men they dated in real life.
The article was about racial politics and the masculine ideals. But some Korean readers thought that I was simply criticizing Korean men for not being romantic and handsome enough. One enraged Korean man commented that I was an “ugly feminist.”
But this was tame in comparison to what women living in South Korea have endured in recent years.
Extreme misogyny and a feminist backlash
Over the past couple of decades, there have been flash points in this gender war.
In 2010, Ilbe, a right-wing website that traffics in misogyny, started attracting users who peppered the forums with vulgar posts about women.
Then in 2015, an online extremist feminist group named Megalia arose. Its goal was to fight back by demeaning Korean men in ways that mirrored the rhetoric on sites like Ilbe.
A year later, a man who had professed his hatred of women murdered a random woman in a public bathroom near a Seoul subway station. He was eventually sentenced to decades in prison, but the lines were quickly drawn. On one side were feminists, who saw misogyny as the underlying motive. On the other side were men who claimed that it was merely the isolated actions of a mentally ill man. The two groups violently clashed during competing protests at the site of the murder.
A backdrop of digital sex crimes
However, none of these events have elicited as much public controversy as the steep rise in digital sex crimes. These are newer forms of sexual violence facilitated by technology: revenge porn; upskirting, which refers to surreptitiously snapping photos under women’s skirts in public; and the use of hidden cameras to film women having sex or undressing.
In 2018, there were 2,289 reported cases of digital sex crimes; in 2021, the number snowballed to 10,353.
In 2019, there were two major incidents that involved digital sex crimes.
In one, a number of male K-pop stars were indicted for filming and circulating videos of women in group chatrooms without their consent.
A few months later, Koreans were shocked to learn about what became known as the “Nth Room Incident,” during which hundreds of perpetrators – mostly men – committed digital sex crimes on dozens of women and minors.
They tended to target poorer women – sex workers, or women who wanted to make a few bucks by sharing anonymous nude photos of themselves. The perpetrators either hacked into their social media accounts or approached these women and offered them money, but asked for their personal information so they could transmit the funds. Once they obtained this information, they blackmailed the women by threatening to reveal their sex work and their nudes to their friends and family.
Since sex work and posting nude images of yourself online are illegal in Korea, the women, fearing arrest or being ostracized by friends and family, complied with the perpetrators’ demands to send even more compromising images of themselves. The men would then swap these images in chatrooms.
And yet a 2019 survey conducted by the Korean government found that large swaths of the population blamed women for these sex crimes: 52% said that they believed sexual violence occurs because women wear revealing clothes, while 37% thought if women experienced sexual assault while drunk, they are partly to blame for their victimization.
In other words, a significant percentage of the Korean population believes that female sexuality is the problem – not the sexual violence.
Government policy lays the groundwork
Digital sex crimes are too widespread to lay the blame at the feet of a handful of bad actors.
To me, part of the problem stems from the long history of “gendered citizenship.”
Korean feminist scholar Seungsook Moon has written about the ways in which the government created one track for men and another for women as the country sought to modernize in the second half of the 20th century:
“Men were mobilized for mandatory military service and then, as conscripts, utilized as workers and researchers in the industrializing economy. Women were consigned to lesser factory jobs, and their roles as members of the modern nation were defined largely in terms of biological reproduction and household management.”
Although these policies are no longer officially carried out, the underlying attitudes about gender roles remain embedded in Korean life and culture. Women who veer from being mothers and housewives expose themselves to public and private backlash.
The government has created gender quotas in certain industries to try to unravel this system of gendered citizenship.
For instance, some government jobs have minimum gender quotas for new hires, and the government encourages the private sector to implement similar policies. In historically male-dominant industries, such as construction, there are quotas for female hires, while in historically female-dominant industries, such as education, there are male quotas.
In some ways, this has only made things worse. Each gender feels as if the other is receiving special treatment due to these affirmative action policies. Resentment festers.
‘The generation that has given up’
Today, the sense of competition between young men and women is exacerbated by the soaring cost of living and rampant unemployment.
Called the “N-Po Generation,” which roughly translates as “the generation that has given up,” many young South Koreans don’t think they can achieve certain milestones that previous generations took for granted: marriage, having kids, finding a job, owning a home and even friendships.
Although all genders find themselves discouraged, the act of “giving up” has caused more problems for women. Men see women who forgo marriage and having kids as selfish. And when they then try to compete against men for jobs, some men become incensed.
Many of the men who have become radicalized commit digital sex crimes to take revenge on women who, in their view, have abandoned their duties.
Ultimately, the competitive dynamic created by the Korean government’s embrace of gendered citizenship has stoked the virulent gender war between Korean men and women, with digital sex crimes used as ammunition.
The 4B movement, whereby Korean women forego heterosexual dating, marriage, and childbirth, represents a radical escalation of the gender war by seeking to create an online and offline world devoid of men. Rather than engaging in altercations, these women are refusing to interact with men, period.
Digital sex crimes are a global problem
To be sure, digital sex crimes are not unique to Korea.
When I teach my college class on digital sex crimes in the U.S., I’m surprised by how many of my students admit that they’ve been victims of digital sex crimes, or knew of it happening at their high schools. And at the National Women’s Studies Association’s annual conference in 2022, I watched feminist activists and scholars from all over the world present their findings about digital sex crimes back home.
Since each country has its own cultural context for the rise in digital sex crimes, there isn’t a single solution to solve the problems. But in South Korea, continuing to unravel the system of gendered citizenship could be part of the solution.
Min Joo Lee, Postdoctoral Fellow, Indiana University
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
Daily News
Major Construction Begins on Metro’s East San Fernando Valley Light Rail Line
LA Metro has moved the East San Fernando Valley Light Rail Transit Project into major construction. The 6.7-mile Van Nuys Boulevard line will add 11 stations, connect with the G Line and regional rail services, and is now targeted for completion in early 2032.
After years of utility relocation and planning, LA Metro is moving into major construction on a new rail line along Van Nuys Boulevard. The milestone also comes with a revised early-2032 completion target.
LA Metro has officially marked the beginning of major construction on the East San Fernando Valley Light Rail Transit Project, moving one of the region’s most important rail projects from preparatory work into full-scale construction.
Metro held a groundbreaking ceremony on October 19, 2026, for the 6.7-mile line, which will run along Van Nuys Boulevard from the G Line busway north to San Fernando Road in Pacoima. The project will add 11 light-rail stations serving Van Nuys, Panorama City, Arleta and Pacoima.
This was not the project’s first groundbreaking. Metro held an earlier ceremony in December 2022 when crews began relocating utility infrastructure. The new milestone is more consequential for riders: the major-construction phase covers the guideway, stations, traction-power substations, rail systems and a maintenance and storage facility.
From utility work to a new rail corridor
The project has spent several years in utility relocation, property acquisition, design and other early work. Metro’s current construction timeline shows major work continuing from 2026 through 2032, with phased traffic changes and K-rail installations expected along Van Nuys Boulevard.
When completed, trains are expected to operate every seven to 10 minutes during peak periods. The line will connect directly with the G Line and provide access to the Van Nuys Metrolink and Amtrak station. It is also expected to become an important transfer point for the future Sepulveda Transit Corridor and a planned Metrolink station in Pacoima.
The corridor already has a substantial transit market. Metro reported that bus Lines 233 and 761, which serve Van Nuys Boulevard, recorded nearly 20,000 boardings in September 2026. The agency also says approximately 19 percent of households in the project area lack access to a car, compared with about 8 percent countywide.
Those figures help explain why this project matters beyond its construction footprint. It is intended to give residents in some of the Valley’s most transit-dependent communities more reliable access to jobs, schools, healthcare and the wider regional transit network.
The opening target has moved to 2032
Metro’s current project page lists an estimated completion date of early 2032. That is later than the 2031 opening forecast the agency publicized when it celebrated an $893-million federal grant in September 2024. Earlier plans were more optimistic still: when utility work began in 2022, Metro said the first segment could open between 2028 and 2030.
The project’s financial scale has also grown clearer. In May 2026, the Metro Board established a life-of-project budget of approximately $3.999 billion and authorized the next phase of its progressive design-build contract with San Fernando Transit Constructors, a joint venture of Skanska and Stacy and Witbeck.
That authorization increased the construction contract’s value to roughly $2.431 billion. Funding for the larger project combines federal, state and local sources, including revenue from Los Angeles County’s Measure M transportation sales tax.
Rail returns to Van Nuys Boulevard
The East San Fernando Valley line will restore passenger rail to Van Nuys Boulevard for the first time since Pacific Electric ended streetcar service there in 1952. It will also become the first major new Metro rail project in the San Fernando Valley since the subway reached North Hollywood in 2000.
The historical parallel is significant. Van Nuys Boulevard once developed around electric railway service before the region shifted heavily toward automobiles and buses. Metro is now rebuilding rail in the same broad corridor, but as part of a modern network designed to connect local riders with bus rapid transit, regional rail and future high-capacity projects.
The current project ends in Pacoima. Metro continues to study a separate 2.5-mile northern extension that would reach the Sylmar/San Fernando Metrolink station. That extension is not included in the segment now entering major construction.
For riders, the October groundbreaking does not mean trains are imminent. Several years of disruptive and technically complex work remain, and the schedule has already moved beyond earlier forecasts. Still, it represents a tangible transition: the East San Fernando Valley line is no longer primarily a planning exercise or utility-relocation program. Metro has begun building the infrastructure that will carry trains.
That makes this a major step in Los Angeles County’s long effort to restore frequent rail transit to communities that lost it generations ago—and another chapter in The Long Track Back.
Primary sources
- LA Metro: Major construction will soon be underway
- LA Metro project page: East San Fernando Valley Light Rail Transit
- LA Metro Board meeting, May 28, 2026 — project budget and contract authorization
- LA Metro: $893 million federal grant announcement, September 6, 2024
- LA Metro: Advanced utility-work groundbreaking, December 2, 2022
This article is part of The Long Track Back, STM Daily News’ continuing coverage of how Los Angeles is rebuilding and expanding a passenger-rail network after decades of automobile-centered grow
STM Blog | Commentary | October 14, 2026
The viral allegations involving Texas Roadhouse and the treatment of Black customers raised an understandably disturbing question: Could diners trust that they were being served safely and respectfully?
After reviewing available coverage again on October 14, STM Daily News did not locate new verified evidence establishing that the alleged food tampering occurred. We also did not locate a publicly released final report from the outside firm the company said it hired.
The central distinction remains unchanged: the allegations have not been substantiated in the reporting reviewed, while Texas Roadhouse says its investigation points to a hoax.
What the available reporting says
In August, social media posts alleged that restaurant workers deliberately tampered with food served to Black customers. The claims circulated widely and prompted calls for a boycott. Texas Roadhouse said it had not identified current or former employees connected to the accusations.
In reporting updated August 26, KTXS noted that the viral post did not identify a particular restaurant location and that there was no verified evidence connecting the claims to a Texas Roadhouse employee.
The company told the outlet it had found no credible evidence of food tampering. It also said the original Facebook post had been deleted, some users had retracted posts amplifying the claims, and an outside firm had been engaged to investigate the accusations’ source and motives. These details come from August coverage, rather than a new October announcement.
What remains unresolved publicly
Our latest review did not locate a final outside investigation report that readers could examine. We therefore cannot describe that investigation as complete or independently assess its findings.
The company’s description of the claims as a hoax should continue to be attributed to Texas Roadhouse. Likewise, the allegations should not be repeated as though they describe a confirmed incident.
Not locating a new public report does not establish whether investigative work has continued privately. It means the public information we found does not support a stronger conclusion.
Why careful wording still matters
For Black diners, allegations of racist mistreatment can strike a painful nerve. Everyone deserves to sit down for a meal without worrying that their race could make them a target.
Taking that concern seriously requires credible complaints to be investigated thoroughly. It also requires care before assigning blame to a restaurant, a location, or its workers.
Social media can spread a warning far beyond its original audience before anyone verifies the underlying claim. Once that happens, a correction or clarification may never reach everyone who saw the accusation.
That makes transparency essential. Restaurants should explain what they have investigated and what they can substantiate. Those sharing accusations should be equally willing to share corrections and acknowledge uncertainty.
For now, the responsible position is to keep the evidence and the allegations separate. If new, verifiable findings become public, they should be assessed on their merits.
Join the conversation: What do you look for before trusting a viral warning about a business? Share your thoughts in the comments, and keep the conversation respectful.
Editor’s note: This is an October 14 status review of previously reported allegations. It does not announce a new investigative finding.
Sources
- KTXS: Viral post alleges Texas Roadhouse mistreated Black customers; company responds — Includes the company’s statement and explains the lack of verified evidence connecting the allegations to an employee or location.
- Houston Chronicle: Texas Roadhouse investigates Facebook hoax alleging racist food tampering — Covers the company’s denial and its decision to hire an outside investigative firm.
- MySA: Texas Roadhouse faces social media backlash over viral allegations — Details how the claims spread and the restaurant chain’s response.
Related reading
- Snopes: Posts claim Texas Roadhouse servers contaminated Black customers’ food — Examines the viral allegations.
- Restaurant Business: Texas Roadhouse says post alleging racist practices was a hoax — Restaurant industry coverage of the controversy.
- Texas Roadhouse official website — Company information and customer contact options.
Food Truths
Soul Food Has African Roots—and a Distinct Black American History
Soul food connects African heritage with generations of Black American creativity and community. Here’s why shared roots and a distinct cultural identity both deserve recognition.
Last Updated on October 15, 2026 by Daily News Staff
Shared ancestry connects the African diaspora. It also makes understanding each community’s food traditions worth the effort.
A debate over who can claim soul food raises a question larger than any social media argument: When does a shared cultural inheritance become a distinct tradition?
People across Africa and the African diaspora have foods that evoke home, family, comfort, and belonging. Recognizing that connection is valuable. But using “soul food” as a general description of comforting food is different from identifying the cuisine historically known by that name.
Soul food is a distinctly African American culinary tradition with African roots, shaped by generations of Black life in the United States. Recognizing its American development does not erase Africa. Recognizing Africa should not erase what Black Americans created.
African Roots, American Development
Enslaved Africans arrived with agricultural knowledge, cooking skills, and food traditions. They adapted those traditions to unfamiliar surroundings and unequal access to food, drawing on available ingredients and encounters with Indigenous and European foodways.
Okra, black-eyed peas, and vegetable-centered cooking offer important connections to African traditions. Corn and cornmeal reflect Indigenous American agriculture. These ingredients and influences became part of an evolving food culture rather than remaining unchanged copies of dishes from another continent. [1]
The distinction is between ancestry and development. A cuisine can descend from older traditions and acquire its own identity through the experiences of the people who preserve and transform it.
More Than a Story About Scraps
Slavery and deprivation belong in this history. Enslaved people supplemented restricted food supplies through gardening and other means, and used small amounts of meat to season vegetables. But telling the entire story as “making something out of scraps” understates their knowledge and creativity.
Black food history also includes seafood work, farming, skilled cooking, and enterprise. The Smithsonian’s account of Black foodways, for example, documents African Americans’ extensive involvement in harvesting, processing, and selling oysters. [2]
These were people with expertise. Their contributions deserve recognition as culinary work and cultural creation.
Why the Name Matters
The food traditions are older than the widespread use of the name “soul food.” The term became prominent during the 1960s, amid movements asserting Black identity and cultural pride. Smithsonian histories describe the soul food movement as celebrating foods that mainstream America had often disparaged. [3]
That context gives the name meaning beyond a meal that tastes good or brings comfort.
For some families, a pot of greens or a pan of cornbread carries memories of relatives, church dinners, holidays, and recipes learned by watching someone cook. Calling those foods “soul food” places them within a particular cultural story.
Southern Roots Traveled
Soul food also developed beyond the South. During the Great Migration, Black Americans carried Southern food traditions into new cities and neighborhoods, preserving familiar dishes while adapting their cooking. Smithsonian programming connects that movement directly to soul food’s development. [4]
That helps explain how a cuisine rooted in the South became part of Black community life across the country.
It also makes geography an imperfect test of authenticity. Soul food cooked in London can still be African American soul food. A cuisine’s cultural origins do not change simply because someone prepares it elsewhere.
Shared Heritage Does Not Mean Identical Cultures
Africa is a continent of many food traditions. The diaspora is similarly diverse. African American, Afro-Caribbean, Afro-Latin American, and Black British identities encompass different histories and relationships to food.
Someone may use “soul food” figuratively to describe a cherished family dish. That emotional use is understandable. The difficulty arises when it becomes a historical claim that all Black cuisines are versions of the same named tradition.
Shared ingredients and ancestry establish connections; they do not make distinct cuisines interchangeable.
A useful conversation would ask which dishes are related, what techniques survived, and how different communities adapted them. That approach gives people more history to appreciate.
Respect Through Recognition
Defending soul food’s African American identity need not become an attack on Africans, Caribbean people, or Black Britons. Equally, celebrating connections across the diaspora should include respect for Black Americans’ particular contributions.
Anyone can cook, enjoy, study, and share soul food. Cultural recognition does not require closing the kitchen door. It requires crediting the people and history behind the cuisine.
Soul food’s African roots and African American identity belong in the same sentence. Both deserve to be remembered.
What dish connects you most strongly to your family’s history—and who taught you to make it? Share your story in the comments.
Explore more food stories and culinary traditions in STM Daily News’ Food & Drink section.
Sources and Further Reading
- African and Native American Foodways and Resilience: From 1619 to COVID-19 — Research on food traditions, adaptation, and cultural resilience.
- Black Foodways and Cuisine — National Museum of African American History and Culture.
- African American History Highlights — National Museum of American History, including the soul food movement.
- Cooking Up History — National Museum of American History programming on migration and soul food.
