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How constitutional guardrails have always contained presidential ambitions
The article discusses concerns regarding Trump’s second term and potential threats to American democracy, highlighting historical presidential power expansions and emphasizing the resilience of democratic institutions against authoritarianism in the U.S.
Victor Menaldo, University of Washington
As Donald Trump’s second inauguration fast approaches, concerns he threatens American democracy are rising yet again. Some warnings have cited Trump’s authoritarian rhetoric, willingness to undermine or malign institutions meant to constrain any president, and a combative style that strives to stretch executive power as far as possible.
Authoritarianism erodes property rights and the rule of law, so financial markets typically respond with alarm to political unrest. If major investors and corporations really believed the United States was on the brink of dictatorship, there would be large-scale capital flight, equity sell-offs, spikes in U.S. credit default swaps or rising bond yields unexplained by typical macroeconomic factors such as inflation forecasts.
Instead, there have been no systematic signs of such market reactions, nor an investor exodus from American markets. Quite the contrary.
This absence of alarm is not conclusive proof that democracy is safe forever, nor that Trump cannot damage American democracy at all. But it does suggest that credible institutions and investors who literally bet on political outcomes for a living do not view an American autocracy as imminent or even likely.
This is probably because the mechanics of upending American democracy would entail surmounting a thick tangle of constitutional, bureaucratic, legal and political obstacles. As a political economist who has written widely about the constitutional foundations of modern democracies, I submit it’s far more complicated than one man issuing brash executive orders.
Presidents have long seized more power
Throughout American history, presidents have achieved far greater expansions of executive power than Trump did in his first term.
Abraham Lincoln suspended habeas corpus during the Civil War, allowing detention without trial. He bypassed Congress through sweeping executive actions, most notably the Emancipation Proclamation, which declared freedom for enslaved people in Confederate states.
Woodrow Wilson created administrative agencies and imposed draconian censorship during World War I via the Espionage Act of 1917 and the Sedition Act of 1918.
Franklin D. Roosevelt’s court-packing plan failed to pass, but it still cowed the Supreme Court into deference. His New Deal bureaucracy centralized vast powers in the executive branch.
Lyndon B. Johnson obtained the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, transferring major war-making powers from Congress to the presidency. Richard Nixon invoked executive privilege and ordered secret bombings in Cambodia, steps that largely bypassed congressional oversight.
George W. Bush expanded executive prerogatives after 9/11 with warrantless wiretapping and indefinite detention. Barack Obama faced criticism for the dubious legal rationale behind drone strikes targeting U.S. citizens deemed enemy combatants abroad.
These historical examples should not be conflated with an actual ability to impose one-man rule, though. The United States, whatever its imperfections, has a deeply layered system of checks and balances that has repeatedly stymied presidents of both parties when they tried to govern by decree.
Trump’s openly combative style was in many ways less adept at entrenching presidential power than many of his predecessors. During his first term, he broadcast his intentions so transparently that it galvanized numerous institutional forces – judges, bureaucrats, state officials, inspectors general – to resist his attempts. While Trump’s rhetoric was more incendiary, other presidents achieved deeper expansions of the executive branch more discreetly.
Trump’s Jan. 6 plan was never realistic
Trump’s failure to impose his will became particularly evident on Jan. 6, 2021, when claims that an “auto-coup” was afoot never translated into the real-world mechanics that would have kept him in office beyond the end of his term.
Even before the Electoral Count Reform Act made the process clearer in 2022, scholars agreed that under the 12th Amendment the vice president’s role in certifying the election is purely ministerial, giving him no constitutional basis to replace or discard certified electoral votes. Similarly, state laws mandate that certification is a mandatory, ministerial duty, preventing officials from arbitrarily refusing to certify election results.
Had Pence refused to certify the Electoral College vote count, it is more likely than not that courts would have swiftly ordered Congress to proceed. Moreover, the 20th Amendment fixed noon on Jan. 20 as the end of the outgoing president’s term, making it impossible for Trump to remain in power just by creating delay or confusion.
The idea that Pence’s refusal to certify could erase state-certified votes, or coerce Congress into accepting alternate slates, had no firm grounding in law or precedent. After Jan. 20, the outgoing president would simply cease to hold office. Thus, the chain of events needed for an auto-coup to occur in 2021 would have fallen apart under the weight of well-established procedures.
A massive bureaucracy
Potential avenues of power consolidation during Trump’s impending second term are equally narrow. The federal bureaucracy makes it exceedingly difficult for a president to rule by fiat.
The Department of Justice alone comprises roughly 115,000 employees, including over 10,000 attorneys and 13,000 FBI agents, most of them career civil servants protected by the Civil Service Reform Act and whistleblower laws. They have their own professional standards and can challenge or reveal political interference. If an administration tries to remove them en masse, it runs into protracted appeals processes, legal constraints, the need to conduct a bevy of lengthy background checks and a crippling loss of institutional knowledge.
Past episodes, including the George W. Bush administration’s politically motivated dismissals of U.S. attorneys in 2006 and 2007, illustrate that congressional oversight and internal department practices can still produce major pushback, resignations and scandals that thwart political interference with the Justice Department.
Independent regulatory agencies also resist being dominated by the president. Many are designed so that no more than three out of five commissioners can belong to the same political party, ensuring some measure of bipartisan representation. Minority commissioners can deploy a host of procedural tools – delaying votes, demanding comprehensive studies, calling for hearings – that slow down or block controversial proposals. This makes it harder for a single leader to unilaterally impose policy. Those minority commissioners can also alert the media and Congress to questionable moves, inviting investigations or public scrutiny.
In addition, a 2024 Supreme Court ruling shifted the power to interpret federal laws, as passed by Congress, away from executive branch government agencies. Now, federal judges play a more active role in determining what Congress’ words mean. This requires agencies to operate within narrower bounds and to produce stronger evidence to justify their decisions. In practical terms, an administration now has less leeway to stretch statutes for partisan or authoritarian ends without encountering judicial pushback.
Layers of defenses
American democracy has vulnerabilities, and other democracies have collapsed under powerful executives before. But in my view, it’s not reasonable to draw definitive lessons from a tiny number of extreme outliers, such as Hitler in 1933 or the handful of elected leaders who staged more recent auto-coups in fragile or developing democracies such as Argentina, Peru, Turkey and even Hungary.
The United States stands out for having a complex federal system, entrenched legal practices and multiple layers of institutional friction. Those protections have historically proven adept at limiting presidential overreach – whether subtle or bombastic.
In addition, state-level politicians, including attorneys general and governors, have repeatedly demonstrated their willingness to challenge federal overreach through litigation and noncooperation.
The military’s professional culture of civilian control and constitutional fidelity, consistently upheld by the courts, provides another safeguard. For instance, in 1952 the Supreme Court ruling in Youngstown Sheet and Tube Co. v. Sawyer reversed President Harry Truman’s order that the military seize privately owned steel mills to ensure supply during the Korean War.
All those institutional checks are further buttressed by a robust civil society that can mobilize legal challenges, advocacy campaigns and grassroots resistance. Corporations can wield economic influence through public statements, campaign funding decisions and policy stances – as many did in the aftermath of Jan. 6.
Taken together, these overlapping layers of resistance make the path to autocracy far more challenging than many casual observers might assume. These protections also may explain why most Americans are resigned to Trump’s second term: Many may have come to realize that the nation’s democratic experiment is not at stake – and probably never was.
Victor Menaldo, Professor of Political Science, Co-founder of the Political Economy Forum, University of Washington
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
amusement and theme parks
Six Flags and Travis Kelce Kick Off 2027 Season Pass Sales With Lowest Prices Through Sept. 7
Six Flags launches 2027 Season Pass sales at its lowest price through Sept. 7, with unlimited visits now through 2027, parking perks, and regional access.
Six Flags is officially in “season pass season” — and it’s starting with a headline deal. The company announced Aug. 7 that it has launched sales of its 2027 Season Passes at the lowest price guests will see this season or next, with a limited-time offer running through Sept. 7, 2026. To mark the 8/7 launch date, Six Flags teamed up with brand ambassador Travis Kelce, celebrating the biggest pass offer of the year on a number that’s become part of his legacy.
The big takeaway for fans: buy early, and you’re not just locking in 2027 access — you’re getting the rest of 2026, too. That includes major seasonal events like Halloween and holiday celebrations, plus the chance to start using the pass right away across participating parks.
What the 2027 Season Pass deal includes
Guests can purchase a 2027 Gold Pass or Prestige Pass at launch pricing and receive admission for the remainder of 2026 and all of 2027.
Kelce framed it in simple terms: unlimited visits, especially heading into fall and winter event season, is the kind of value that would have been “mind-blowing” as a kid — and it’s built for families and friend groups who want more reasons to get together.
Gold Pass: the value play for frequent park visits
The 2027 Gold Pass is positioned as the core option for guests who want maximum visits at the lowest price point. Benefits include:
- Unlimited visits for the rest of 2026 and all of 2027
- Free general parking (restrictions apply)
- Regional park access (East, West, Midwest, or Texas)
- Admission to fall haunt events and seasonal holiday celebrations
- Discounts on select food, merchandise, and tickets
- One bonus Bring-A-Friend Free ticket for renewing passholders and new members who purchase by Sept. 7
Prestige Pass: VIP perks and nationwide access
For guests who want more premium access and in-park benefits, Six Flags is also pushing its Prestige Pass tier. Prestige perks include:
- Access to all Six Flags parks across North America
- Preferred parking at many parks
- Complimentary fountain beverages
- VIP entrance access at participating parks
- Free Bring-A-Friend tickets
- One free single-use Fast Lane per visit
- A $20 in-park credit for new Prestige members and Prestige passholders who renew by Sept. 7
Memberships: month-to-month flexibility
Six Flags also announced 2027 Memberships for guests who prefer a monthly payment option. Memberships include unlimited visits and a range of benefits similar to Season Passes — including multi-park access (based on tier), parking benefits, discounts on food and merchandise, and member-exclusive rewards and offers.
Premium membership tiers add expanded park access and additional VIP-style perks, giving guests more ways to customize how they visit.
Why Six Flags is making a big push now
The 2027 pass launch arrives as Six Flags prepares what it calls one of its most ambitious attraction lineups ever, with major additions planned across regions.
Highlights announced so far include:
- East: Six Flags Great Adventure will debut Bakunawa, billed as the world’s tallest and fastest spinning coaster (382 feet, 100 mph), anchoring a renovated Boardwalk area inspired by Jersey Shore culture. Carowinds will introduce Rip Roarin’ Falls, a super-flume featuring a 100-foot drop.
- Texas: Six Flags Fiesta Texas will debut Werewolf Gorge, described as the world’s longest family launch coaster with immersive storytelling.
- Midwest: Six Flags Great America will open Camp Timber Trail, a family adventure area anchored by Sky Hawk, a suspended family coaster.
- West: Knott’s Soak City will introduce Coral Craze and Kelp Kraze, new family raft slides featuring ride systems making their West Coast and North American debuts.
Six Flags also teased that more major announcements are still on the way.
You can start using the pass in 2026 — and more is coming
Beyond the 2027 pipeline, Six Flags says guests who buy now can take advantage of new or recently opened additions in 2026, including:
- Quantum Accelerator (Six Flags New England)
- Tormenta: Rampaging Run (Six Flags Over Texas)
- Shoreline Pier (Six Flags Great Adventure)
- Daredeviler (Canada’s Wonderland)
- Speedway Stunt Coaster (Six Flags Mexico)
- Looney Tunes™ Land (Six Flags Magic Mountain)
- Phantom Theater (Kings Island)
- A major summer entertainment lineup (Kings Dominion)
And the calendar doesn’t slow down after summer. Six Flags says its 2026 Halloween lineup is coming soon, featuring new horror franchise experiences and new entertainment, followed by holiday events across parks — including the return of a newly reimagined Holiday in the Park at Six Flags Great Adventure and Six Flags Over Georgia.
The deadline to know
If you’re considering a pass, the timing matters: guests must purchase by Sept. 7, 2026 to receive launch pricing and promotional offers. For park-specific details and restrictions, Six Flags directs guests to visit sixflags.com.
For fans, Kelce summed up the pitch: more time at the parks now means more memories later — more rides, more laughs, and more reasons to bring your crew along for the season.
Source: Six Flags
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ABCs for School Zone Safety: Tips for Drivers, Pedestrians and Bicyclists
School Zone Safety: A new school year means there’s more traffic around school campuses. Between dropoffs and pickups, children riding bicycles, walking to school and all the shuttling between sports practices and other extracurricular activities, this season is a reminder to make every trip to and from school a safe one.
ABCs for School Zone Safety: Tips for Drivers, Pedestrians and Bicyclists
(Feature Impact) A new school year means there’s more traffic around school campuses. Between dropoffs and pickups, children riding bicycles, walking to school and all the shuttling between sports practices and other extracurricular activities, this season is a reminder to make every trip to and from school a safe one.
To make sure no parent worries about their child getting to school safely, the California Office of Traffic Safety (OTS) and Caltrans are encouraging drivers, pedestrians and bicyclists to remember their “ABCs” on every trip: stay Alert for Bicyclists and watch for and yield to Children crossing the street.
With students in school and traffic patterns changing, consider these tips so students arrive to and from class safely:
Drivers
Because children outside of vehicles do not have the same protections as drivers and passengers, drivers have an outsized role to protect people walking, biking and rolling.
- Take your time and be patient.
- Always follow the speed limit.
- Use extra caution at crosswalks and intersections, especially if you notice children nearby.
- Don’t drive distracted – even a quick glance at your phone can have tragic consequences.
- Never drive while impaired.
- Adjust your driving to the conditions and use extra caution in rain, fog and darkness.
- If you see a bicyclist ahead, wait until it’s safe to pass and give them at least 3 feet of space when you do.
Pedestrians
Pedestrians have an important role in their own safety, particularly in school zones and crosswalks where children and other people may be present.
- Use sidewalks when available. If there are no sidewalks, walk facing traffic so you can see drivers and they can see you.
- Avoid crossing outside of crosswalks. If there is a signalized crosswalk or marked crosswalk, use it.
- Before crossing the street, look both ways. If there are any stopped or turning cars, try to make eye contact with the drivers before crossing so you know they see you.
- If you’re walking after dark or when visibility is poor, make yourself visible by wearing something bright or reflective and shining a light.
- Stay alert – don’t wear headphones or use your phone while crossing the street or walking across a busy road.
Bicyclists
Bicyclists can help protect themselves by staying alert and visible, especially in areas where traffic, pedestrians and young students may be present.
- When possible, plan your route along bike paths or roads with dedicated bike lanes away from vehicle traffic.
- Equip your bicycle with lights and reflectors to be more visible to drivers and pedestrians.
- Wear a properly fitted helmet and bright clothing.
- Learn cyclist hand signals to communicate when you’re turning, slowing or stopping.
- Stay aware of drivers and always yield to pedestrians.
To learn more and join the movement, visit GoSafelyCA.org.
E-Bike Safety Tips
With more young people using e-bikes than ever before, it’s important that riders and their parents or guardians understand the risks involved and make smart, safe choices.
Since e-bikes can travel at faster speeds than traditional bicycles, they pose greater risk for serious injury or death in the event of a crash. Class 1 and 2 e-bikes can both travel at up to 20 mph unassisted, while Class 3 e-bikes can go as fast as 28 mph unassisted.
E-bike rules vary based on the top unassisted speed, but parents and guardians should follow these tips for e-bikes:
- Many local ordinances and state laws restrict e-bike use for minors or require special licensing.
- Helmets are required for riders under age 18 for Class 1-2 e-bikes and all riders on Class 3 e-bikes, regardless of age.
- You must be 16 years or older to ride a Class 3 e-bike.
- Never ride e-bikes that don’t have pedals as they could be considered e-motos and not legally permitted on roads.
- Ride in bike lanes or on legal paths, avoiding roads with traffic when possible.
- Be as predictable as possible and use caution when making turns, crossing streets or riding in conditions with poor visibility.
E-bike rules may vary by state and regionally. Contact local law enforcement regarding local laws.
SOURCE:
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News
Black Los Angeles Is Shrinking—and Spreading Across the West
Black Los Angeles has changed dramatically over the past several decades. Explore why its population declined, where families moved, and which neighborhoods continue to anchor the region’s Black community.
Last Updated on August 21, 2026 by Daily News Staff
Black Los Angeles?
For much of the 20th century, South Los Angeles was the center of one of the most influential Black communities in the western United States. Neighborhoods such as Watts, West Adams, Crenshaw, Baldwin Hills and Leimert Park produced political leaders, musicians, entrepreneurs and cultural movements whose influence reached far beyond Southern California.
That community has not disappeared, but it has become smaller and considerably more dispersed.
Census figures show that Los Angeles has experienced a sustained decline in its Black population, particularly within the city and the older communities of South Los Angeles.
A decades-long population decline
In 1990, approximately 454,000 Los Angeles residents identified as non-Hispanic Black alone, representing about 13% of the city’s population. By the 2020 Census, that number had fallen to approximately 323,000—or about 8.3% of the population.
The same pattern is visible across Los Angeles County.
The county’s non-Hispanic Black population declined from approximately 935,000 in 1990 to about 761,000 in 2020. Between 2010 and 2020 alone, it fell by nearly 55,000 people, even as the county’s total population increased.
These numbers do not include everyone with partial Black ancestry or those identifying as multiracial. Nevertheless, the figures reveal a clear geographic and demographic shift.
Black Los Angeles has not simply vanished. It has spread outward.
Why have Black families left Los Angeles?
Housing costs are one of the most important factors.
As rents and home prices rose, many working- and middle-class families found it increasingly difficult to remain in neighborhoods where their families had lived for generations. Redevelopment and gentrification placed additional pressure on renters and homeowners, particularly in areas near downtown Los Angeles and new transit investments.
Older homeowners could sometimes benefit from rising property values, but their children often could not afford to purchase homes nearby. Selling a Los Angeles property also gave some families enough equity to buy larger or newer homes elsewhere.
Researchers at UC Berkeley’s Terner Center found that Black households were disproportionately represented among lower-income residents leaving the Los Angeles region.
Employment changes also contributed. Los Angeles lost many of the manufacturing, aerospace and industrial jobs that had helped support Black working-class families during the postwar period. Meanwhile, metropolitan areas in other states offered lower housing costs and growing professional communities.
Where did people go?
A significant portion of the movement remained within Southern California.
Lancaster and Palmdale in the Antelope Valley attracted families from South Los Angeles, Compton and Inglewood. Others moved east into Riverside and San Bernardino counties.
Between 1990 and 2021, Riverside County’s Black population grew from approximately 64,000 to more than 156,000. San Bernardino County’s Black population increased from approximately 115,000 to 174,000 during the same period.
The Urban Institute concluded that many Black residents leaving Los Angeles County likely settled in these neighboring Inland Empire counties.
Other families left California entirely. Las Vegas and Phoenix became important destinations for people seeking comparatively affordable housing while remaining relatively close to Southern California.
Farther away, Atlanta, Dallas–Fort Worth, Houston and Charlotte have attracted Black professionals and families as part of what researchers call the “New Great Migration”—a movement of Black Americans toward metropolitan areas in the South.
Where are the remaining Black population centers?
The strongest concentration within the city continues to run through the Crenshaw district and surrounding neighborhoods.
Leimert Park remains the symbolic and cultural heart of Black Los Angeles. Baldwin Hills, Baldwin Vista, Hyde Park, West Adams and Crenshaw also retain important Black institutions, churches, businesses and homeowners.
Immediately outside the city, View Park–Windsor Hills and Ladera Heights remain two of the county’s most prominent Black middle- and upper-middle-class communities. Recent American Community Survey estimates indicate that approximately 55% of Ladera Heights residents identify as Black.
Inglewood remains another major center of Black cultural and commercial life, despite its transition into a predominantly Latino city. Central and northern Inglewood, particularly areas near Morningside Park, View Park and Hyde Park, retain substantial Black populations.
Farther south, Black communities remain in Westmont, West Athens, Carson, Gardena, North Long Beach and portions of Compton. Most of these places are no longer majority-Black, but they continue to contain significant populations and long-established community institutions.
Lancaster and Palmdale now represent one of the county’s largest suburban concentrations of Black families. Unlike the compact neighborhoods of historic South Los Angeles, however, the Antelope Valley population is distributed across a much larger area.
Altadena was another important center of Black homeownership before the January 2025 Eaton Fire. The community’s Black population had already declined from its 1980 peak, but west Altadena still contained generations of Black homeowners. The fire destroyed or seriously damaged many of those homes, leaving the community’s future uncertain.
A community transformed, not erased
Today’s Black Los Angeles is more fragmented and suburban than the community that existed during the second half of the 20th century.
Leimert Park, Crenshaw and Baldwin Hills remain culturally significant, but they are now part of a much wider network extending from Inglewood and Carson to Lancaster, Palmdale and the Inland Empire.
This transformation presents a challenge for maintaining political representation, neighborhood institutions and cultural connections. A population that once lived within a relatively concentrated area is now spread across multiple cities, counties and states.
The story, therefore, is not simply that Black Los Angeles declined.
It is that rising housing costs, economic changes and suburban migration redrew the map of Black life in Southern California.
Sources: U.S. Census data compiled by Los Angeles Almanac, Urban Institute, UC Berkeley Terner Center and Brookings Institution.
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