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How constitutional guardrails have always contained presidential ambitions

The article discusses concerns regarding Trump’s second term and potential threats to American democracy, highlighting historical presidential power expansions and emphasizing the resilience of democratic institutions against authoritarianism in the U.S.

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Since the U.S. Congress first met in 1789, it has been a key check on the power of the president. Allyn Cox, via Architect of the Capitol

Victor Menaldo, University of Washington

As Donald Trump’s second inauguration fast approaches, concerns he threatens American democracy are rising yet again. Some warnings have cited Trump’s authoritarian rhetoric, willingness to undermine or malign institutions meant to constrain any president, and a combative style that strives to stretch executive power as far as possible.

Authoritarianism erodes property rights and the rule of law, so financial markets typically respond with alarm to political unrest. If major investors and corporations really believed the United States was on the brink of dictatorship, there would be large-scale capital flight, equity sell-offs, spikes in U.S. credit default swaps or rising bond yields unexplained by typical macroeconomic factors such as inflation forecasts.

Instead, there have been no systematic signs of such market reactions, nor an investor exodus from American markets. Quite the contrary.

This absence of alarm is not conclusive proof that democracy is safe forever, nor that Trump cannot damage American democracy at all. But it does suggest that credible institutions and investors who literally bet on political outcomes for a living do not view an American autocracy as imminent or even likely.

This is probably because the mechanics of upending American democracy would entail surmounting a thick tangle of constitutional, bureaucratic, legal and political obstacles. As a political economist who has written widely about the constitutional foundations of modern democracies, I submit it’s far more complicated than one man issuing brash executive orders.

A group of formally dressed men gather around a small table with a piece of paper on it.
The first reading of the Emancipation Proclamation to the Cabinet marked a moment of a president seizing significant power. VCG Wilson/Corbis via Getty Images

Presidents have long seized more power

Throughout American history, presidents have achieved far greater expansions of executive power than Trump did in his first term.

Abraham Lincoln suspended habeas corpus during the Civil War, allowing detention without trial. He bypassed Congress through sweeping executive actions, most notably the Emancipation Proclamation, which declared freedom for enslaved people in Confederate states.

Woodrow Wilson created administrative agencies and imposed draconian censorship during World War I via the Espionage Act of 1917 and the Sedition Act of 1918.

Franklin D. Roosevelt’s court-packing plan failed to pass, but it still cowed the Supreme Court into deference. His New Deal bureaucracy centralized vast powers in the executive branch.

Lyndon B. Johnson obtained the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, transferring major war-making powers from Congress to the presidency. Richard Nixon invoked executive privilege and ordered secret bombings in Cambodia, steps that largely bypassed congressional oversight.

George W. Bush expanded executive prerogatives after 9/11 with warrantless wiretapping and indefinite detention. Barack Obama faced criticism for the dubious legal rationale behind drone strikes targeting U.S. citizens deemed enemy combatants abroad.

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These historical examples should not be conflated with an actual ability to impose one-man rule, though. The United States, whatever its imperfections, has a deeply layered system of checks and balances that has repeatedly stymied presidents of both parties when they tried to govern by decree.

Trump’s openly combative style was in many ways less adept at entrenching presidential power than many of his predecessors. During his first term, he broadcast his intentions so transparently that it galvanized numerous institutional forcesjudges, bureaucrats, state officials, inspectors general – to resist his attempts. While Trump’s rhetoric was more incendiary, other presidents achieved deeper expansions of the executive branch more discreetly.

A man stands in front of a U.S. flag holding a piece of paper.
Then-Vice President Mike Pence presides over the certification of the results of the 2020 presidential election on Jan. 6, 2021. Saul Loeb/POOL/AFP via Getty Images

Trump’s Jan. 6 plan was never realistic

Trump’s failure to impose his will became particularly evident on Jan. 6, 2021, when claims that an “auto-coup” was afoot never translated into the real-world mechanics that would have kept him in office beyond the end of his term.

Even before the Electoral Count Reform Act made the process clearer in 2022, scholars agreed that under the 12th Amendment the vice president’s role in certifying the election is purely ministerial, giving him no constitutional basis to replace or discard certified electoral votes. Similarly, state laws mandate that certification is a mandatory, ministerial duty, preventing officials from arbitrarily refusing to certify election results.

Had Pence refused to certify the Electoral College vote count, it is more likely than not that courts would have swiftly ordered Congress to proceed. Moreover, the 20th Amendment fixed noon on Jan. 20 as the end of the outgoing president’s term, making it impossible for Trump to remain in power just by creating delay or confusion.

The idea that Pence’s refusal to certify could erase state-certified votes, or coerce Congress into accepting alternate slates, had no firm grounding in law or precedent. After Jan. 20, the outgoing president would simply cease to hold office. Thus, the chain of events needed for an auto-coup to occur in 2021 would have fallen apart under the weight of well-established procedures.

A massive bureaucracy

Potential avenues of power consolidation during Trump’s impending second term are equally narrow. The federal bureaucracy makes it exceedingly difficult for a president to rule by fiat.

The Department of Justice alone comprises roughly 115,000 employees, including over 10,000 attorneys and 13,000 FBI agents, most of them career civil servants protected by the Civil Service Reform Act and whistleblower laws. They have their own professional standards and can challenge or reveal political interference. If an administration tries to remove them en masse, it runs into protracted appeals processes, legal constraints, the need to conduct a bevy of lengthy background checks and a crippling loss of institutional knowledge.

Past episodes, including the George W. Bush administration’s politically motivated dismissals of U.S. attorneys in 2006 and 2007, illustrate that congressional oversight and internal department practices can still produce major pushback, resignations and scandals that thwart political interference with the Justice Department.

Independent regulatory agencies also resist being dominated by the president. Many are designed so that no more than three out of five commissioners can belong to the same political party, ensuring some measure of bipartisan representation. Minority commissioners can deploy a host of procedural tools – delaying votes, demanding comprehensive studies, calling for hearings – that slow down or block controversial proposals. This makes it harder for a single leader to unilaterally impose policy. Those minority commissioners can also alert the media and Congress to questionable moves, inviting investigations or public scrutiny.

In addition, a 2024 Supreme Court ruling shifted the power to interpret federal laws, as passed by Congress, away from executive branch government agencies. Now, federal judges play a more active role in determining what Congress’ words mean. This requires agencies to operate within narrower bounds and to produce stronger evidence to justify their decisions. In practical terms, an administration now has less leeway to stretch statutes for partisan or authoritarian ends without encountering judicial pushback.

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Federal judges have more power to interpret Congress’ intention than in recent years. U.S. Supreme Court

Layers of defenses

American democracy has vulnerabilities, and other democracies have collapsed under powerful executives before. But in my view, it’s not reasonable to draw definitive lessons from a tiny number of extreme outliers, such as Hitler in 1933 or the handful of elected leaders who staged more recent auto-coups in fragile or developing democracies such as Argentina, Peru, Turkey and even Hungary.

The United States stands out for having a complex federal system, entrenched legal practices and multiple layers of institutional friction. Those protections have historically proven adept at limiting presidential overreach – whether subtle or bombastic.

In addition, state-level politicians, including attorneys general and governors, have repeatedly demonstrated their willingness to challenge federal overreach through litigation and noncooperation.

The military’s professional culture of civilian control and constitutional fidelity, consistently upheld by the courts, provides another safeguard. For instance, in 1952 the Supreme Court ruling in Youngstown Sheet and Tube Co. v. Sawyer reversed President Harry Truman’s order that the military seize privately owned steel mills to ensure supply during the Korean War.

All those institutional checks are further buttressed by a robust civil society that can mobilize legal challenges, advocacy campaigns and grassroots resistance. Corporations can wield economic influence through public statements, campaign funding decisions and policy stances – as many did in the aftermath of Jan. 6.

Taken together, these overlapping layers of resistance make the path to autocracy far more challenging than many casual observers might assume. These protections also may explain why most Americans are resigned to Trump’s second term: Many may have come to realize that the nation’s democratic experiment is not at stake – and probably never was.

Victor Menaldo, Professor of Political Science, Co-founder of the Political Economy Forum, University of Washington

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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The Knowledge

Metrolink Offers Fare-Free Rides for Earth Day 2026 Across Southern California

Metrolink offers fare-free rides for Earth Day 2026 across Southern California, encouraging sustainable travel and reduced emissions.

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Last Updated on April 21, 2026 by Daily News Staff

Metrolink Offers Fare-Free Rides for Earth Day 2026
Image Credit: Metrolink

Metrolink Offers Fare-Free Rides for Earth Day 2026

LOS ANGELES — April 22, 2026 — In a continued push toward sustainable transportation, Metrolink will once again offer systemwide free rides on Earth Day, inviting commuters and travelers to leave their cars behind and explore a cleaner way to move across the region.

A One-Day Opportunity to Ride Free

On Wednesday, April 22, passengers can board any Metrolink train — including the Arrow service — without purchasing a ticket. The initiative is part of the broader celebration of Earth Day, encouraging environmentally conscious travel choices.

The fare-free program is designed to appeal to both regular riders and first-time users, particularly those navigating Southern California’s persistent traffic congestion and rising fuel costs.

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Image Credit: Metrolink

Encouraging Sustainable Travel Habits

“Earth Day is a reminder that small changes, like choosing public transit over driving one day a week, can have a meaningful impact on our environment,” said Doug Chaffee, chair of the Metrolink Board.

With gas prices continuing to strain household budgets, the agency hopes the initiative will inspire more residents to consider rail as part of their regular commute.

Regional Connections Expand Access

Metrolink’s Earth Day promotion aligns with similar efforts by other Southern California transit providers. Riders can seamlessly connect to services operated by: LA Metro and the Orange County Transportation AuthorityRiverside County Transportation CommissionSan Bernardino County Transportation Authority and Ventura County Transportation Commission.

These partnerships extend the reach of fare-free travel across a six-county region, making it easier for riders to explore destinations without relying on personal vehicles.

Service Adjustments and Rider Tips

Passengers should note that trains will operate on a reduced weekday schedule, implemented earlier this spring. Despite the adjustment, all Metrolink lines and station cities remain in service.

For those planning a trip:

  • No ticket is required — simply board the train
  • Bikes are welcome, with capacity ranging from three bikes per standard car to nine in designated bike cars
  • A curated destination guide highlights attractions within walking or biking distance of stations

Environmental and Economic Impact

Metrolink is also promoting its Personal Impact Calculator, a digital tool that allows riders to estimate how switching from driving to rail can reduce greenhouse gas emissions and lower fuel expenses.

A Broader Trend in Public Transit

Fare-free transit days have gained traction nationwide as agencies look to boost ridership and promote sustainability. Southern California’s expansive commuter rail network makes it particularly well-suited for such initiatives, offering a viable alternative to one of the country’s most car-dependent regions.


Bottom Line

Metrolink’s Earth Day promotion is more than a one-day free ride — it’s a strategic effort to shift commuter behavior, reduce environmental impact, and showcase the convenience of regional rail. For Southern Californians, April 22 presents a low-risk opportunity to rethink how they travel.

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Source: Metrolink

https://metrolinktrains.com/news/metrolink-goes-fare-free-for-earth-day-on-april-22

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Money Management: The Importance of Financial Literacy

You may have mastered the core subjects like math and grammar in school, but financial literacy – or understanding the basics of money management in order to help you make better financial decisions – often goes overlooked before adulthood. It’s not so much a course of study as it is a plan of action. When you understand how to earn, save, spend and invest wisely, you aren’t just building a stable future for yourself, but your family and community as well.

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You may have mastered the core subjects like math and grammar in school, but financial literacy – or understanding the basics of money management in order to help you make better financial decisions – often goes overlooked before adulthood. It’s not so much a course of study as it is a plan of action. When you understand how to earn, save, spend and invest wisely, you aren’t just building a stable future for yourself, but your family and community as well.

(Feature Impact) You may have mastered the core subjects like math and grammar in school, but financial literacy – or understanding the basics of money management in order to help you make better financial decisions – often goes overlooked before adulthood. It’s not so much a course of study as it is a plan of action.

Financial literacy in the United States has remained stagnant at generally low levels for several years, according to research from TIAA Institute and the Global Financial Literacy Excellence Center, with even lower levels among Gen Z. Yet greater financial literacy – including key aspects such as goal-setting, budgeting, saving, credit management and investing – is strongly linked to better financial outcomes, including lower rates of debt constraint and financial fragility.

While emboldening yourself to understand financial terms can be a little overwhelming at first, once you have a grasp of basic concepts you can begin to get a handle on your money and make better financial decisions. Simply put: When you understand how to earn, save, spend and invest wisely, you aren’t just building a stable future for yourself, but your family and community as well.

From nonprofit partnerships to volunteer-led programs and fee online resources, Schwab and its employees help millions of people every year build the knowledge and confidence to take charge of their financial futures by serving as board members, mentors, role models and educators.

Because financial health is a lifelong journey, the earlier people learn vital money skills, the better. That’s why the financial advisory services provider develops education programs geared toward kids that continue into adulthood, helping people no matter where they are on their journeys.

Talk Money

It’s never too early to start a conversation about financial literacy. Having teens identify goals that are important to them – such as concert tickets or a first car – can kickstart coversations about money. Working with your child (and a financial advisor, if necessary) on a plan for saving to realize those goals can serve as a jumping off point. After achieving some success, their enthusiasm may grow, which is a powerful motivator to keep saving.

Support School Initiatives and Programs

Outreach programs that empower young people to make smart financial decisions is key to a bright future. Programs like Money Matters – Schwab’s flagship financial education program utilized by the Boys & Girls Clubs of America – gives young people hands-on experience with all aspects of money and investing.

This example, and others, don’t just include program funding – they build partnerships that create impact and opportunity with national collaborations that reach more than 17 million youth annually, empowering young people with the tools and confidence to make smart financial decisions for life.

Spread the Financial Love

Championing financial literacy empowers everyone – individuals, families and communities. By serving as a board member, mentor, role model or educator to help bring financial literacy to others in your community, you can supply the tools and knowledge to lead programs that focus on giving back, empowering future generations in countless ways.

To learn more about financial literacy and find resources to empower your local community, visit SchwabMoneywise.com.

Photo courtesy of Shutterstock

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SUVs and EVs Take Center Stage at the 2026 New York International Auto Show

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Kia. 2026 New York International Auto Show

SUVs and EVs Take Center Stage at the 2026 New York International Auto Show

(Feature Impact) The 2026 New York International Auto Show is shining a spotlight on the latest in automotive innovation, from advanced technology to the growing shift toward electric vehicles. One automaker, Kia, is using the show to highlight two versatile SUVs designed to offer more space, capability and flexibility for modern drivers.

Watch this video to learn more

The all-new 2027 Kia Seltos has grown in size, offering a roomier interior with additional legroom, headroom and cargo space. It also adds a hybrid powertrain, making it the only vehicle in its class with three powertrain options. The SUV comes packed with advanced safety features, a more capable all-wheel-drive system and premium interior touches, including dual 12.3-inch display screens and an available panoramic sunroof.

The automaker is also showcasing the all-electric EV3, a compact SUV designed to make electric vehicle ownership more practical. With an estimated range of up to 320 miles, fast-charging capability and optional all-wheel drive, it balances performance, technology and everyday usability. Its intuitive features and flexible design make transitioning to electric simpler for a wider range of drivers.

Both models represent Kia’s commitment to providing options that blend capability, innovation and style. To learn more, visit Kia.com.

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