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Latin America’s Religious Shift: More Say ‘Yes’ to God but ‘No’ to Church

New research on 220,000 Latin Americans reveals a paradox: church affiliation dropped from 93% to 82% and attendance is declining, yet personal faith remains strong. Discover why Latin America’s religious decline differs dramatically from Europe and the US.

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Latin America's Religious Shift: More Say 'Yes' to God but 'No' to Church
A woman takes part in a Christ of May procession in Santiago, Chile, parading a relic from a destroyed church’s crucifix through the city.
AP Photo/Esteban Felix

Latin America’s Religious Shift: More Say ‘Yes’ to God but ‘No’ to Church

Matthew Blanton, The University of Texas at Austin

In a region known for its tumultuous change, one idea remained remarkably consistent for centuries: Latin America is Catholic.

The region’s 500-year transformation into a Catholic stronghold seemed capped in 2013, when Jorge Mario Bergoglio of Argentina was elected as the first Latin American pope. Once a missionary outpost, Latin America is now the heart of the Catholic Church. It is home to over 575 million adherents – over 40% of all Catholics worldwide. The next-largest regions are Europe and Africa, each home to 20% of the world’s Catholics.

Yet beneath this Catholic dominance, the region’s religious landscape is changing.

First, Protestant and Pentecostal groups have experienced dramatic growth. In 1970, only 4% of Latin Americans identified as Protestant; by 2014, the share had climbed to almost 20%.

But even as Protestant ranks swelled, another trend was quietly gaining ground: a growing share of Latin Americans abandoning institutional faith altogether. And, as my research shows, the region’s religious decline shows a surprising difference from patterns elsewhere. While fewer Latin Americans are identifying with a religion or attending services, personal faith remains strong.

Three women in white robes and caps stand outdoors at nighttime by a large wooden cross.
Women known as ‘animeras,’ who pray for the souls of the deceased, walk to a church for Day of the Dead festivities in Telembi, Ecuador.
AP Photo/Carlos Noriega

Religious decline

In 2014, 8% of Latin Americans claimed no religion at all. This number is twice as high as the percentage of people who were raised without a religion, indicating that the growth is recent, coming from people who left the church as adults.

However, there had been no comprehensive study of religious change in Latin America since then. My new research, published in September 2025, draws on two decades of survey data from over 220,000 respondents in 17 Latin American countries. This data comes from the AmericasBarometer, a large, region-wide survey conducted every two years by Vanderbilt University that focuses on democracy, governance and other social issues. Because it asks the same religion questions across countries and over time, it offers an unusually clear view of changing patterns.

Overall, the number of Latin Americans reporting no religious affiliation surged from 7% in 2004 to over 18% in 2023. The share of people who say they are religiously unaffiliated grew in 15 of the 17 countries, and more than doubled in seven.

On average, 21% of people in South America say they do not have a religious affiliation, compared with 13% in Mexico and Central America. Uruguay, Chile and Argentina are the three least religious countries in the region. Guatemala, Peru and Paraguay are the most traditionally religious, with fewer than 9% who identify as unaffiliated.

Another question scholars typically use to measure religious decline is how often people go to church. From 2008 to 2023, the share of Latin Americans attending church at least once a month decreased from 67% to 60%. The percentage who never attend, meanwhile, grew from 18% to 25%.

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The generational pattern is stark. Among people born in the 1940s, just over half say they attend church regularly. Each subsequent generation shows a steeper decline, dropping to just 35% for those born in the 1990s. Religious affiliation shows a similar trajectory – each generation is less affiliated than the one before.

Personal religiosity

However, in my study, I also examined a lesser-used measure of religiosity – one that tells a different story.

That measure is “religious importance”: how important people say that religion is in their daily lives. We might think of this as “personal” religiosity, as opposed to the “institutional” religiosity tied to formal congregations and denominations.

A spotlight shines on a zigzag row of people wearing jackets, with the rest of the crowd hidden in the dark.
People attend a Mass marking the International Day against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking in Buenos Aires, Argentina, on June 26, 2024.
AP Photo/Rodrigo Abd

Like church attendance, overall religious importance is high in Latin America. In 2010, roughly 85% of Latin Americans in the 17 countries whose data I analyzed said religion was important in their daily lives. Sixty percent said “very,” and 25% said “somewhat.”

By 2023, the “somewhat important” group declined to 19%, while the “very important” group grew to 64%. Personal religious importance was growing, even as affiliation and church attendance were falling.

Religious importance shows the same generational pattern as affiliation and attendance: Older people tend to report higher levels than younger ones. In 2023, 68% of people born in the 1970s said religion was “very important,” compared with 60% of those born in the 1990s.

Yet when you compare people at the same age, the pattern reverses. At age 30, 55% of those born in the 1970s rated religion as very important. Compare that with 59% among Latin Americans born in the 1980s, and 62% among those born in the 1990s. If this trend continues, younger generations could eventually show greater personal religious commitment than their elders.

Affiliation vs. belief

What we are seeing in Latin America, I’d argue, is a fragmented pattern of religious decline. The authority of religious institutions is waning – fewer people claim a faith; fewer attend services. But personal belief isn’t eroding. Religious importance is holding steady, even growing.

This pattern is quite different from Europe and the United States, where institutional decline and personal belief tend to move together.

Eighty-six percent of unaffiliated people in Latin America say they believe in God or a higher power. That compares with only 30% in Europe and 69% in the United States.

Sizable proportions of unaffiliated Latin Americans also believe in angels, miracles and even that Jesus will return to Earth in their lifetime.

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In other words, for many Latin Americans, leaving behind a religious label or skipping church does not mean leaving faith behind.

A man in a colorful knit hat and bright sweater or jacket holds up a small doll in a white robe that is surrounded by wisps of smoke.
An Aymara Indigenous spiritual guide blesses a statue of baby Jesus with incense after an Epiphany Mass at a Catholic church in La Paz, Bolivia, on Jan. 6, 2025.
AP Photo/Juan Karita

This distinctive pattern reflects Latin America’s unique history and culture. Since the colonial period, the region has been shaped by a mix of religious traditions. People often combine elements of Indigenous beliefs, Catholic practices and newer Protestant movements, creating personal forms of faith that don’t always fit neatly into any one church or institution.

Because priests were often scarce in rural areas, Catholicism developed in many communities with little direct oversight from the church. Home rituals, local saints’ festivals and lay leaders helped shape religious life in more independent ways.

This reality challenges how scholars typically measure religious change. Traditional frameworks for measuring religious decline, developed from Western European data, rely heavily on religious affiliation and church attendance. But this approach overlooks vibrant religiosity outside formal structures – and can lead scholars to mistaken conclusions.

In short, Latin America reminds us that faith can thrive even as institutions fade.

Matthew Blanton, PhD Candidate, Sociology and Demography, The University of Texas at Austin

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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The Knowledge

When Did Water Vending Machines Become a Thing?

When did water vending machines appear in America? Explore their history from a 1908 penny water vendor to the refill machines of the 1970s and 1980s.

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When did water vending machines appear in America? Explore their history from a 1908 penny water vendor to the refill machines of the 1970s and 1980s.
Image Credit: Adobe Firefly

You’ve probably seen them hundreds of times.

They sit outside supermarkets, convenience stores and shopping centers—or sometimes stand alone in small roadside kiosks. You bring an empty bottle, usually one, three or five gallons, put in some money, push a button and watch purified water pour into your container.

For many people in California, Arizona and other parts of the American West, water vending machines seem like they’ve simply always been there.

But when did we actually start buying water this way?

The answer takes us back more than a century, although the machines we recognize today didn’t really arrive until the 1970s.

The Water Vending Machine’s Surprising Ancestor

The story begins in Boston in 1908 with a man named Lawrence Luellen.

Luellen was working on something that sounds surprisingly modern: a machine that would allow someone to pay a penny and receive a clean drink of water in an individual disposable cup.

At the time, public drinking water was often consumed from a communal cup or metal dipper—a practice that increasingly worried public-health officials because of the potential spread of disease.

Luellen developed a paper drinking cup along with what became known as the Luellen Cup & Water Vendor. The porcelain machine contained water, ice, disposable cups and a place for discarded cups.

For one penny, a customer could get a drink of cold water in a fresh cup.

Historical records at Lafayette College’s Hugh Moore Dixie Cup Company Collection show that Luellen completed work on the vending apparatus in early 1908. His company, the American Water Supply Company of New England, was incorporated on April 4 of that year.

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There was just one problem.

The complete water machine was expensive to manufacture.

The company eventually concentrated on selling the disposable cups and cup dispensers instead. Those cups ultimately evolved into one of America’s most recognizable household products—the Dixie Cup.

So although Luellen’s machine wasn’t the five-gallon refill station we know today, the basic idea was already there:

Put money into a machine and receive drinking water.

The Modern Water Vending Machine Arrives

The next major chapter didn’t occur until roughly 65 years later.

According to histories of the water-vending industry, the first practical machines designed to sell purified water in bulk appeared during the mid-1970s.

These were fundamentally different from Luellen’s machine.

Instead of giving customers a cup of water, the new machines treated water—typically municipal tap water—and allowed customers to fill their own reusable containers.

And we have unusually strong evidence that these machines were operating by 1976.

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On July 26, 1976, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency issued a memorandum specifically addressing the regulatory status of water vending machines.

The EPA described machines that filtered and disinfected water with ultraviolet light and then dispensed the treated water into a customer’s own container using a coin-operated mechanism.

In other words, by the summer of 1976, the basic water-refill machine many of us recognize today was already operating in the United States.

Why the 1970s?

The timing wasn’t accidental.

Americans had become increasingly concerned about pollution and drinking-water quality during the 1960s and 1970s.

Congress passed the Safe Drinking Water Act in 1974, establishing a federal framework for protecting public drinking-water supplies. National drinking-water regulations followed during the decade.

Meanwhile, technologies such as filtration, activated carbon treatment, ultraviolet disinfection and eventually reverse osmosis made it practical to build relatively compact systems capable of treating municipal water at the point where it was sold.

The result was a new business opportunity:

Instead of transporting thousands of bottles of water to a store, a vending company could connect a machine to the local water supply, purify that water on site and sell it by the gallon.

Customers supplied the bottle.

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California Helps Turn It Into a Business

California became one of the industry’s most important early markets.

One company that would eventually become a major player was founded by Robert G. Miller.

In 1983, Miller established Bottle Water Vending Inc., the predecessor of Glacier Water Services.

The company manufactured water vending machines and placed many of them outside supermarkets. Customers brought their own containers, while participating stores often sold reusable plastic jugs nearby.

The machines treated municipal water using combinations of filtration, reverse osmosis, carbon treatment and ultraviolet sterilization.

The idea caught on quickly.

In 1984, the company expanded from California into Arizona.

Nevada followed in 1986.

By 1987, the company reportedly had nearly 900 water vending machines operating.

Texas and Florida followed in 1988.

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The familiar supermarket water-refill station was becoming a significant business.

Then Came the Drive-Up Water Kiosk

Another variation appeared at almost exactly the same time.

In 1984, Lani and Don Dolifka developed what became Watermill Express in Colorado.

Their idea was an automated stand-alone purification kiosk capable of taking municipal water, processing it through multiple purification stages and selling the finished drinking water directly to customers.

Instead of walking into a supermarket, customers could pull up to the kiosk with their bottles.

Later Watermill Express systems were designed to accommodate reusable containers ranging from one to five gallons, using treatment processes including sediment filtration, activated carbon, reverse osmosis, ultraviolet disinfection and ozone treatment.

That basic concept remains familiar today.

Why Five-Gallon Bottles?

The five-gallon container was already well established through traditional bottled-water delivery services.

But refill vending changed the economics.

Instead of purchasing another filled bottle—or waiting for a delivery—a customer could keep the same container and refill it repeatedly.

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That eliminated much of the packaging and transportation involved with conventional bottled water.

It also made purified drinking water relatively inexpensive.

Bring the jug.

Buy the water.

Take the same jug home.

Bring it back when it’s empty.

More than four decades later, that’s still essentially how the system works.

So Who Invented the Modern Water Vending Machine?

That’s where the story gets complicated.

There doesn’t appear to be a single universally recognized inventor of the modern bulk purified-water vending machine.

Lawrence Luellen developed an important early coin-operated water vending concept in 1908, but his machine dispensed an individual drink and disposable cup—not gallons of purified water into a customer’s reusable bottle.

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The modern bulk-water machine emerged much later, apparently during the mid-1970s, as water-treatment technology and consumer concern about drinking-water quality converged.

By 1976, the EPA was already dealing with the regulatory implications of machines that treated municipal water and sold it through coin-operated dispensers into customers’ own containers.

Entrepreneurs and companies then refined and expanded the idea during the 1980s.

From a Penny Cup to Five Gallons at a Time

The evolution is remarkable.

1908: Put in a penny and receive a cup of cold water.

Mid-1970s: Machines begin treating municipal water and selling purified water in bulk.

1976: The EPA documents coin-operated machines dispensing treated water into customers’ containers.

1983: Bottle Water Vending, the predecessor of Glacier Water Services, begins operations in California.

1984: Glacier’s predecessor expands into Arizona, while Watermill Express develops its automated purification kiosk in Colorado.

Late 1980s and beyond: Water refill machines become increasingly familiar outside supermarkets and at stand-alone locations throughout the United States.

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Today, paying a few coins—or tapping a card—and filling a five-gallon jug might seem thoroughly ordinary.

But the machine sitting outside your neighborhood supermarket represents more than a century of evolution in how Americans buy something that once seemed almost unimaginable to sell from a vending machine:

a drink of water.

Sources and Further Reading

U.S. EPA — Status of Water Vending Machines Under Public Law 93-523

Lafayette College — Hugh Moore Dixie Cup Company Collection

U.S. EPA — Safe Water Research Milestones

Glacier Water Services Company History

World Vision — History of Watermill Express

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High Speed Rail

Brightline West Construction Advances, But Opening Timeline Shifts Beyond the 2028 Olympics

Construction continues to expand along Interstate 15 as Brightline West moves closer to connecting Southern California and Las Vegas with 200 mph electric trains, though the opening timeline has shifted to late 2029.

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Construction continues to expand along Interstate 15 as Brightline West moves closer to connecting Southern California and Las Vegas with 200 mph electric trains, though the opening timeline has shifted to late 2029.
Image Credit: Brightline West

The vision of traveling between Southern California and Las Vegas in about two hours by high-speed rail is steadily becoming more tangible as Brightline West expands construction activity along the Interstate 15 corridor.

Since construction officially began in 2025, work has continued to ramp up in both California and Nevada. Motorists traveling I-15 may have noticed increased construction activity, survey crews, utility work, and periodic lane closures as the project moves from planning into full-scale development.

Construction Is Becoming More Visible

Brightline West’s 218-mile all-electric high-speed rail line will connect Rancho Cucamonga, California, with Las Vegas, Nevada, using the median of Interstate 15 for much of the route.

Current work includes:

  • Utility relocation
  • Geotechnical investigations
  • Site preparation
  • Early civil construction
  • Continued work around future station locations

As construction progresses, travelers should expect additional traffic impacts along portions of I-15 while crews prepare for bridges, guideways, track installation, and station construction.

A New Timeline

One of the biggest developments since construction began is a revised completion schedule.

While Brightline West was once expected to open before the 2028 Los Angeles Olympic Games, current projections now place passenger service in late 2029.

Large infrastructure projects frequently experience schedule adjustments due to inflation, labor availability, permitting, and supply chain challenges. Although the delay means Olympic visitors are unlikely to ride the line, construction continues to move forward.

Four Passenger Stations Planned

The line will include stations at:

  • Las Vegas
  • Apple Valley
  • Hesperia
  • Rancho Cucamonga

Passengers traveling from Los Angeles will transfer to Brightline West using Metrolink at Rancho Cucamonga, creating an important connection between Southern California’s commuter rail network and the new high-speed line.

Fast, Electric Travel

When complete, Brightline West trains are expected to operate at speeds approaching 200 mph, reducing travel time between Rancho Cucamonga and Las Vegas to approximately 2 hours and 10 minutes.

The fully electric trains are being manufactured by Siemens and are designed to offer a comfortable alternative to one of America’s busiest highway corridors.

Looking Ahead

The next major milestones will likely include visible bridge construction, elevated guideways, station buildings, track installation, electrical systems, and eventually testing of the first trainsets.

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While passengers will have to wait a bit longer than originally hoped, Brightline West remains one of the most ambitious passenger rail projects currently under construction in the United States.

For Southern California, it represents more than a faster trip to Las Vegas—it could signal the beginning of a new era for high-speed passenger rail in the American West.

Have you driven the I-15 corridor recently? Have you seen any Brightline West construction? Share your observations in the comments below, and subscribe to the STM Daily News newsletter for more transportation and infrastructure updates.

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The Knowledge

Exploring the Best Neighborhoods in Downtown Los Angeles

From the Arts District and Little Tokyo to the Historic Core and Bunker Hill, discover the best neighborhoods in Downtown Los Angeles and what makes each one worth exploring.

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Last Updated on August 5, 2026 by Daily News Staff

Best Neighborhoods in Downtown Los Angeles

The Best Neighborhoods in Downtown Los Angeles 

Downtown Los Angeles has undergone one of the most remarkable transformations of any urban center in the United States. Once known primarily as the city’s business district, DTLA has evolved into a vibrant collection of neighborhoods, each offering its own unique character, history, dining, entertainment, and cultural experiences.

Whether you’re a first-time visitor, a longtime Angeleno, or planning your next weekend adventure, these are some of Downtown LA’s must-visit neighborhoods.

Arts District: Where Creativity Comes to Life

The Arts District has become one of the city’s most exciting destinations. Former warehouses have been transformed into lofts, art galleries, coffee shops, breweries, and award-winning restaurants.

Visitors can spend hours exploring colorful murals, browsing independent boutiques, and discovering public art around nearly every corner. It’s a neighborhood that celebrates creativity while preserving its industrial roots.

Perfect for: Art lovers, photographers, foodies, and nightlife.

Historic Core: A Walk Through Old Los Angeles

The Historic Core showcases Downtown LA’s architectural heritage. Along Broadway and surrounding streets, beautifully restored theaters, historic hotels, and early 20th-century buildings tell the story of a booming city during Hollywood’s Golden Age.

Highlights include the iconic Bradbury Building, Grand Central Market, and numerous rooftop restaurants overlooking the skyline.

Perfect for: History buffs and architecture enthusiasts.

South Park: Entertainment Central

South Park is home to some of Los Angeles’ biggest attractions, including LA Live and Crypto.com Arena. The neighborhood has added thousands of apartments, new restaurants, hotels, and entertainment venues over the past two decades.

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Whether you’re attending a Lakers game, a concert, or simply enjoying dinner before an event, South Park offers something for everyone.

Perfect for: Sports fans, concerts, and nightlife.

The Best Neighborhoods in Downtown Los Angeles

Little Tokyo: A Cultural Treasure

One of only a handful of historic Japantowns remaining in the United States, Little Tokyo offers authentic Japanese cuisine, specialty shops, cultural events, museums, and peaceful gardens.

From fresh sushi and ramen to Japanese bakeries and tea houses, visitors can experience generations of cultural heritage in just a few city blocks.

Perfect for: Families, food lovers, and cultural exploration.

Bunker Hill: Downtown’s Cultural Heart

Bunker Hill combines modern architecture with world-class arts and culture. Home to Walt Disney Concert Hall, The Broad, the Museum of Contemporary Art, and Grand Park, this neighborhood is ideal for visitors looking to experience Downtown’s artistic side.

Its dramatic skyline and public spaces also make it one of the most photographed areas in Los Angeles.

Perfect for: Museum lovers and architecture fans.

Financial District: The Skyline of Los Angeles

Glass skyscrapers, luxury hotels, and bustling sidewalks define the Financial District. While it remains the city’s business center during the workweek, the neighborhood also offers excellent dining, rooftop lounges, and convenient access to other parts of Downtown.

Chinatown: Tradition Meets Modern LA

Los Angeles’ Chinatown blends rich history with a growing collection of contemporary restaurants, galleries, and community events. Visitors can enjoy traditional cuisine alongside modern culinary experiences while exploring one of the city’s oldest cultural neighborhoods.

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Fashion District: A Shopper’s Paradise

Covering more than 100 city blocks, the Fashion District is one of the largest garment centers in the country. Whether you’re searching for fabrics, clothing, accessories, or bargains at Santee Alley, this neighborhood attracts shoppers from across Southern California.

A Downtown That Continues to Evolve

Downtown Los Angeles isn’t just one destination—it’s a collection of neighborhoods that reflect the city’s diversity, creativity, and resilience. From historic landmarks and world-class museums to vibrant street art and internationally inspired cuisine, DTLA offers something new around nearly every corner.

Whether you’re planning a day trip or an extended visit, exploring these neighborhoods is one of the best ways to experience the energy and history of Los Angeles.

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