Urbanism
Gentrification isn’t inevitable − it can hinge on how residents view their neighborhood
Elizabeth Korver-Glenn, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and Sarah Mayorga, Brandeis University
Gentrification has become a familiar story in cities across the United States. The story line typically goes this way: Middle- and upper-income people start moving into a lower-income or poor neighborhood. Housing prices rise in response, and longtime residents and businesses are driven out.
As the U.S. population becomes increasingly urban, gentrification can seem inevitable. However, scholars have found that it’s actually pretty rare.
For example, a study by the nonprofit National Community Reinvestment Coalition that examined neighborhood change from 2000 through 2013 found that most low- and moderate-income neighborhoods across the United States did not gentrify during that period. Just seven cities – New York, Los Angeles, Washington, Philadelphia, Baltimore, San Diego and Chicago – accounted for almost half of all neighborhood gentrification nationwide.
Why is gentrification less common than many people fear? In our book, “A Good Reputation: How Residents Fight for an American Barrio,” we argue that conflicts over neighborhood reputation are an important factor.
We examined disputes among residents of Northside, a predominantly Latino neighborhood, or barrio, in Houston, over how their neighborhood was perceived. We found that those who thought outsiders stigmatized the barrio, or who stigmatized it themselves, avoided engaging with the neighborhood, its institutions and its residents. This group supported measures that would facilitate gentrification, such as monitoring local bars to file nuisance complaints.
By contrast, those who perceived the barrio as a welcome, desirable space worked to cultivate the neighborhood’s institutions and connect its people, pushing back against attempts to gentrify the area.
Gentrification isn’t linear or automatic
Common understandings of gentrification and urban development often frame these urban processes as natural, linear and even inevitable for low-income neighborhoods. The argument goes that once you see a new Starbucks, or a light rail station in the case of Northside, gentrification is sure to follow.
Based on our research, however, we argue that when politicians, developers and even residents themselves attempt to develop or redevelop marginalized urban neighborhoods, they spur neighborhood conflicts that, in turn, can greatly influence the redevelopment process.
Northside is one such neighborhood. Located just north of downtown Houston, it has been majority Latino for more than 60 years. It has also been a high-poverty area, with 23% to 38% of its residents living beneath the federal poverty line over this time period.
About one-third of its residents are foreign-born, many of them originating from Mexico or Central America. But most Latino Northsiders are second-, third- or later-generation Mexican Americans or Latino Americans.
The neighborhood consists mainly of single-family homes on small, densely packed urban lots. Some streets have sidewalks and covered drainage systems, while others have open ditches and lack sidewalks. Although the METRO red line train travels along the barrio’s western border and a few busy thoroughfares crisscross the neighborhood, much of the area has a small-town, quiet, residential feel.
Conflicting approaches
As we describe in our book, we found two widespread and conflicting views of Northside among its residents. Interestingly, these views did not easily map onto individual characteristics, such as racial identity or class. People would sometimes change their viewpoints depending on the conflict in question.
One group wanted to cleanse the barrio of what its members saw as negative features, transform the area and prepare the way for gentrification to occur. The other group was intent on celebrating the barrio as it already was and on preserving its character and supporting its residents.
Residents who wanted to remake Northside often believed that it had too many features that they felt were associated with Black or low-income people, such as public housing, cantinas or bars, and services for people without homes. For example, one woman we spoke with cited neighborhood cantinas and housing shelters as evidence that Northside was dangerous.
These Northsiders wanted to purge and clean the neighborhood to improve what they perceived as its marred image. They sought to remove facilities, such as a Salvation Army shelter, which they believed attracted undesirable people; called for increased police presence in the neighborhood; and avoided local places such as parks and grocery stores, often driving to other neighborhoods instead.
They also attempted to curate what they viewed as respectable behavior, through steps such as installing video cameras and calling on residents to report neighbors whom they believed were dumping trash or failing to neuter and spay their pets.
In contrast, other residents believed that their neighborhood was a welcoming and desirable place. They were proud of its parks, churches, public schools and Mexican restaurants, and they spoke of pivotal moments in Northside’s past to argue for its desirability in the present. One such event was an uprising at Moody Park in 1978 that spurred reforms in the Houston police department and capital improvements to the park.
These residents hosted parties, exercised at local parks and volunteered with public schools and Catholic parishes. Many regularly participated in neighborhood development and nonprofit meetings, and they objected when other speakers cast Northside as a stigmatized place and its residents as the cause of barrio ills.
They also defended Northside against what they saw as threats to its quality of life. As one example, residents sued the owners of White Oak Music Hall, a 5-acre, three-stage concert venue that opened in 2016 on the western edge of the neighborhood. Plaintiffs argued that loud music was interrupting their children’s sleep and decreasing their property values. They won important concessions in a 2018 settlement, including caps on the number of outdoor concerts, installation of sound-monitoring equipment and limits on the number and duration of concerts on school nights.
A different kind of gentrification story
Ultimately, we found that Northside did not gentrify because the conflict between these disparate views of the neighborhood blocked or slowed large-scale redevelopment. Some residents’ attempts to protect and preserve the barrio interrupted developers’ plans – for example, by using Houston’s Code of Ordinances to block the subdivision of existing lots. Other actions, such as the lawsuit against White Oak Music Hall, checked developers’ influence in the area.
Although residents’ efforts to prevent redevelopment did not constitute a full-blown, organized social movement, people who valued Northside as it was successfully challenged the idea that it was a dangerous and unattractive place that needed to be remade, and they worked to preserve the place they called home.
Other researchers have examined similar struggles in cities including Boston, Los Angeles and Chicago. We think that paying attention to these conflicts in cities of all sizes can provide a deeper understanding of why gentrification succeeds – or, more commonly, why it fails.
Elizabeth Korver-Glenn, Assistant Professor of Sociology, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and Sarah Mayorga, Professor of Sociology, Brandeis University
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
The Bridge is a section of the STM Daily News Blog meant for diversity, offering real news stories about bona fide community efforts to perpetuate a greater good. The purpose of The Bridge is to connect the divides that separate us, fostering understanding and empathy among different groups. By highlighting positive initiatives and inspirational actions, The Bridge aims to create a sense of unity and shared purpose. This section brings to light stories of individuals and organizations working tirelessly to promote inclusivity, equality, and mutual respect. Through these narratives, readers are encouraged to appreciate the richness of diverse perspectives and to participate actively in building stronger, more cohesive communities.
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Big news for Los Angeles commuters and shipping operations: the iconic Vincent Thomas Bridge is set to undergo a major construction project that will lead to its complete closure for over a year. According to Caltrans, the bridge will shut down for a 16-month deck replacement, starting in late 2025 or early 2026.
Why Close the Bridge?
The Vincent Thomas Bridge, which connects San Pedro and Long Beach as part of Highway 47, has served as a vital traffic artery for 60 years. However, time has taken its toll, and the bridge’s concrete deck is quickly deteriorating due to the heavy vehicles that cross it daily and the marine environment it spans.
Caltrans officials have deemed the deck replacement necessary to ensure the structure’s safety and longevity. They describe the bridge as Los Angeles’ “welcoming monument,” emphasizing its importance to the community and regional connectivity.
The Decision Process
Earlier this year, Caltrans sought public feedback on how to approach the impending closure. Options included keeping some lanes open or implementing partial closures. However, after a 90-day comment period, it was determined that complete closure would be the most effective approach. This decision was guided by technical and environmental studies that showed a full closure would allow for uninterrupted work and ultimately shorten the construction timeline.
Caltrans emphasized that the single-stage option not only minimizes construction time but is also the safest, most cost-efficient, and allows for greater construction efficiency.
What to Expect During the Closure
When the construction begins, the bridge will be entirely shut down. This means rerouting will become essential for those who rely on this crucial structure for daily travel. Caltrans is currently working on a detailed closure and detour plan that will incorporate public input.
The preliminary detour routes likely include:
- Sepulveda Boulevard
- West Harry Bridges Boulevard
- Alameda Street
- Pacific Coast Highway
- Henry Ford Avenue
- Terminal Island Freeway/Highway 103
Commuters should brace for adjustments in their routes, as traffic patterns may shift considerably during the bridge’s closure.
Final Thoughts
While the announcement of the Vincent Thomas Bridge’s closure may send ripples of concern through the community, it’s essential to remember that this critical project is being implemented to preserve the bridge’s structural integrity for the future. The construction of a new deck will not only enhance safety but will also support the ever-increasing demands of traffic between Los Angeles and its bustling shipping centers.
As the scheduled start date approaches, be sure to stay informed about closure updates and planned detours to facilitate a smoother transition during this necessary project.
Related links:
CalTrans: https://dot.ca.gov/caltrans-near-me/district-7/district-7-news/vtb-final-environmental
KTLA: https://ktla.com/news/california/vincent-thomas-bridge-in-los-angeles-harbor-to-close-for-16-months
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https://stmdailynews.com/valtrans-the-missed-opportunity-for-phoenixs-public-transit-evolution/
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When you think of Arizona, the image of palm trees might come to mind, swaying gracefully against the backdrop of a brilliant sunset. With thousands of these iconic plants scattered throughout the Valley, it’s easy to assume that they are native to the region. However, the truth may surprise you: most palm trees found in Arizona are not indigenous to the state.
The Palm Tree Landscape of Arizona
Arizona is home to a variety of palm trees, including date palms, queen palms, and Mexican fan palms, which have become ubiquitous in urban landscapes and resorts. Landmarks such as the Royal Palms Resort in Phoenix, Palm Valley Golf Club in Goodyear, and the Mission Palms Hotel in Tempe all pay homage to the Aracaceae plant family. They serve as a symbol of the desert oasis, offering a visual representation of relief from the arid climate.
The One Native Palm
The sole native palm tree found in Arizona is the California fan palm (Washingtonia filifera). This hardy palm is only found in rugged Palm Canyon at the Kofa National Wildlife Refuge, nestled between Quartzite and Yuma. Interestingly, even this species is believed to have arrived in Arizona through natural means, such as coyote or bird droppings, thousands of years ago.
A curator of botany at the Arizona-Sonora Desert Museum once noted that this palm is the state’s only naturally occurring variety, with pockets of growth found in southern California and northern Mexico as well. He suggests that palm trees hold an iconic status in landscaping because they symbolize survival in a hot, dry climate, making them a desirable choice for garden designers.
The Origins of Popular Varieties
While the California fan palm may be the only native species, many popular varieties of palm trees have their roots elsewhere:
- Mexican Fan Palms: These are the most common variety in Arizona and originate from northern Mexico. They are known for their long, towering trunks and the pesky seed pods they produce each summer.
- Queen Palms: Native to Brazil and Argentina, queen palms are graceful but can be temperamental when faced with Arizona’s scorching summers and winter frosts.
- Date Palms: Hailing from the Middle East and North Africa, date palms are recognized for their thick trunks and sweet fruit, which is about 50% sugar by weight. However, they also come with dangerously sharp spikes that require careful maintenance.
- Royal Palms: True to their name, royal palms exude luxury and are native to south Florida, the Caribbean, and tropical regions of Mexico.
So, the next time you relax by the pool, sipping a cold drink and admiring the palm trees around you, take a moment to appreciate the visionaries who brought these non-native varieties to Arizona. While they may not be indigenous to the region, they have certainly become an integral part of the southwestern landscape, offering beauty and a touch of the exotic in the heart of the desert.
Related Link:
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In the rich tapestry of Phoenix’s transportation history, few stories are as poignant as that of ValTrans—the ambitious mass transit project that never came to fruition. ValTrans was envisioned as a 103-mile elevated rail system in the Valley, mirroring the successful Vancouver, British Columbia SkyTrain. Despite the potential it held for transforming the region’s transit landscape, it became another casualty of voter skepticism, ultimately shaping the future of public transportation in Phoenix in unexpected ways.
A Grand Vision
With a vision to ease traffic congestion and lessen environmental impact, ValTrans was designed to be a comprehensive public transit solution. The proposal included more than just elevated rail lines; it also envisioned 1,500 new buses and a commuter train connecting Chandler and downtown Phoenix. Additionally, it promised a hefty investment of $300 million for freeway improvements. Hiring the very architect behind the SkyTrain, the ValTrans proponents aimed high and laid out a plan that positioned public transit as a viable alternative to the region’s car-centric culture.
The Voter Response
However, when the proposal went to vote, the response was lukewarm at best. In a sweeping rejection, Maricopa County voters turned down ValTrans with a staggering 2-to-1 margin. The defeat raised eyebrows and left many pondering the reasons behind such overwhelming voter disapproval. Critics had their say, labeling the proposal a boondoggle—too costly, too intricate, and perhaps too ambitious for a city that was still very much reliant on cars. Unsubstantiated rumors circulated that strong opposition from areas like Scottsdale and Sun City played a role in the proposal’s downfall, but the reality was more complex and rooted in broader concerns about urban planning and funding.
The Ripple Effects
Former Phoenix Mayor Terry Goddard reflects on the impact of ValTrans’s rejection, noting that without it, the growth patterns in the Valley would have been markedly different. The absence of an effective mass transit system stoked suburban sprawl and decentralized housing developments, leading to longer commutes and an increasing reliance on automobiles. Had ValTrans passed, Goddard believes we would have seen a more concentrated urban development pattern with housing and amenities clustered around transit lines—promoting walkable communities and reducing environmental footprints.
It wasn’t until nearly two decades later that light rail finally made its way into the Valley with the launch of a 29.8-mile system, which continues to expand. Though Valley Metro has made significant strides with light rail and partner streetcar services in cities like Tempe, many still ponder the “what-ifs” of ValTrans.
Reflecting on the Legacy
While the current system caters to a growing population, the lessons learned from ValTrans serve as a cautionary tale for future transit initiatives. It highlights the importance of voter engagement, education, and the need to address community concerns comprehensively. As urban areas grapple with the challenges of growth and sustainability, the vision of ValTrans stands as a reminder of how critical public transit can be in shaping our cities.
Today, as we navigate the complexities of modern transportation needs, we must remember that ambition and vision, when coupled with public support, can rewrite the narrative of urban living. ValTrans may have been “the one that got away,” but its story continues to resonate as Phoenix looks toward a future where public transportation can finally take its rightful place in the Valley’s growth story.
Related Links:
https://www.axios.com/local/phoenix/2023/08/14/phoenix-valtrans-delayed-light-rail-expansion-decades
https://www.phoenixnewtimes.com/news/valtrans-derailed-6412784
The Bridge is a section of the STM Daily News Blog meant for diversity, offering real news stories about bona fide community efforts to perpetuate a greater good. The purpose of The Bridge is to connect the divides that separate us, fostering understanding and empathy among different groups. By highlighting positive initiatives and inspirational actions, The Bridge aims to create a sense of unity and shared purpose. This section brings to light stories of individuals and organizations working tirelessly to promote inclusivity, equality, and mutual respect. Through these narratives, readers are encouraged to appreciate the richness of diverse perspectives and to participate actively in building stronger, more cohesive communities.
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