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How organized labor shames its traitors − the story of the ‘scab’
The term “scab” has historically been used to shame workers who betray labor solidarity. Its implications highlight complex issues of class, race, and ethical labor practices.
Ian Afflerbach, University of North Georgia
Over its long history, the American labor movement has displayed a remarkably rich vocabulary for shaming those deemed traitors to its cause.
Some insults, such as “blackleg,” are largely forgotten today. Others, such as “stool pigeon,” now sound more like the dated banter of film noir. A few terms still offer interesting windows into the past: “Fink,” for example, was used to disparage workers who informed for management; it seems to have been derived from “Pinkerton,” the private detective agency notorious for strikebreaking during mass actions like the Great Railroad Strike of 1877.
No word, however, has burned American workers more consistently, or more wickedly, than “scab.”
Any labor action today will inevitably lead to someone getting called a scab, an insult used to smear people who cross picket lines, break up strikes or refuse to join a union. No one is beyond the reach of this accusation: United Auto Workers President Shawn Fain called former president Donald Trump a “scab” in August 2024, after Trump suggested to Elon Musk that striking workers at one of Musk’s companies ought to be illegally fired.
While working on my book “Sellouts! The Story of an American Insult,” I discovered that labor’s scabs were among the first Americans identified as sellouts for betraying their own.
Reinforcing class solidarity
The use of scab as an insult actually dates to Medieval Europe. Back then, scabbed or diseased skin was widely seen as the sign of a corrupt or immoral character. So, English writers started using “scab” as slang for a scoundrel.
In the 19th century, American workers started using the word to attack peers who refused to join a union or worked when others were striking. By the 1880s, periodicals, union pamphlets and books all regularly used the epithet to chastise any workers or labor leaders who cooperated with bosses. Names of scabs were often printed in local papers.
Scab likely caught on because it directed visceral disgust at anyone who put self-interest above class solidarity.
Many of labor’s scabs clearly deserved the label. During a strike of Boston railroad workers in 1887, for instance, the union bombarded its chairman with cries of “traitor” and “scab” and “selling out,” because he gave in to company demands prematurely, just as the union’s funds were also mysteriously depleted.
The most powerful expression of this shame comes from the pen of Jack London. Best remembered today for adventure tales such as “White Fang,” London was also a socialist. His popular 1915 missive “Ode to a Scab” captures the venomous contempt many have felt about those who betray their fellow workers:
“After God had finished the rattlesnake, the toad, and the vampire, He had some awful substance left with which He made a scab… a two-legged animal with a corkscrew soul… Where others have hearts, he carries a tumor of rotten principles… No man has a right to scab as long as there is a pool of water deep enough to drown his body in.”
In 1904, however, London had written a longer and less famous essay, “The Scab.” Instead of shaming scabs, this essay explains the conditions that drive some workers to betray their own.
“The capitalist and labor groups,” London writes, “are locked together in a desperate battle,” with capital trying to ensure profits and labor trying to ensure a basic standard of living. A scab, he explains, “takes from [his peers’] food and shelter” by working when they will not. “He does not scab because he wants to scab,” London insists, but because he “cannot get work on the same terms.”
Rather than treat scabs as vampire-like traitors, London asks his readers to see scabbing as a moral transgression driven by competition. It is tempting to imagine society as “divided into the two classes of the scabs and the non-scabs,” London concludes, but in capitalism’s “social jungle, everybody is preying upon everybody else.”
Driven to scab
London’s words ring with a harsh truth, and we can illustrate his point by looking at the discomforting status of Black strikebreakers in American labor history.
During their heyday from the 1880s through the 1930s, major labor organizations such as the Knights of Labor and American Federation of Labor did include some Black workers and at times preached inclusion. These same groups, however, also tolerated openly racist behavior by local branches.
Historian Philip S. Foner tells the story of Robert Rhodes, a union bricklayer in Indiana whose “white union brothers refused to work with him.” The Bricklayers and Masons International Union of America did have a fine of US$100 for such discriminatory practices, but Rhodes was stymied in efforts to get any money, and his racist co-workers punished him for trying. He ended up being accused of “scabbing” by the union, and, in a brutal irony, fined. Rhodes quit and changed his career.
Civil rights activist W.E.B. Du Bois once noted that among the major working-class trades in America only longshoremen and miners welcomed Black workers. In most fields, they had to try to join unions that were often implicitly – if not explicitly – segregated.
To find work as masons, carpenters, coopers – or any other skilled trades dominated by unions that would often discriminate based on race – Black laborers often had to work under conditions that others would not tolerate: offering their services outside the union, or taking over work the union had done while its members were striking.
In short, they had to scab.
Class and race collide
It shouldn’t be hard to see the competing moral claims here. Black workers who had struggled with racial discrimination claimed an equal right to work, even if this meant disrupting a strike. Unions saw this as a violation of working-class solidarity, even as they overlooked discrimination within their ranks.
Managers and corporations, meanwhile, exploited this racial friction to weaken the labor movement. With tensions high, brawls often broke out between Black strikebreakers and white strikers. An account of the 1904 Chicago miners’ strike noted, “some one in the crowd yelled ‘scab,’ and instantly a rush was made for the negroes,” who fought back the mob with knives and pistols before city police intervened.
As this ugly pattern repeated itself, a stigma began to cling to Black workers. White laborers and their representatives, including American Federation of Labor founder Samuel Gompers, often called Black people a “scab race.”
In reality, Black workers were just a small percentage of strikebreakers. Most often, strikebreakers were white immigrants, who, like their Black counterparts, could face discrimination by unions. Black Americans also had a long history of labor activism, struggling for union membership, improved working conditions and better wages in cities such as New Orleans and Birmingham.
In his 1913 essay “The Negro and the Labor Unions,” educator Booker T. Washington urged unions to end their discriminatory practices, which forced Black Americans into becoming “a race of strike-breakers.” Nonetheless, this racial stigma persisted. Horrendous racial violence in the “Red Summer” of 1919 followed close on the heels of the Great Steel Strike, during which nonunion Black workers had been called in to keep steel production humming along.
Preventing fissures among workers
While terms like “scab” and “sellout” have often been used to reinforce labor unity, these same terms have also worsened divisions within the movement.
It’s too reductive, then, to simply shame scabs as sellouts. It’s important to understand why people might be motivated to weather scorn, rejection and even violence from their peers – and to take steps toward removing that motive.
In 2024, Canada’s Parliament passed landmark “anti-scab” legislation, which prohibits 20,000 employers from bringing in replacement workers during a strike.
This law will not only force companies to listen to their workers’ needs during a time of crisis, it will also create fewer divisions within the labor movement – and fewer opportunities for any worker to become a scab.
Ian Afflerbach, Associate Professor of American Literature, University of North Georgia
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
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It is with profound sadness that we bid farewell to the incomparable Linda Lavin, who left us at the age of 87 after bravely battling complications from recently discovered lung cancer. Lavin’s extraordinary career stands as a testament to her exceptional talent, unwavering resilience, and deep passion for her art, and she leaves behind a legacy that will be treasured by her devoted fans and fellow artists for years to come.
Linda Lavin
Born in Portland, Maine, Lavin found her way to the bright lights of Broadway after graduating from the College of William and Mary. She began her career singing in nightclubs and ensemble productions, but her extraordinary talent caught the eye of iconic producer Hal Prince. This led to her breakout role in the Broadway musical It’s a Bird… It’s a Plane… It’s Superman, setting the stage for a illustrious career ahead.
Lavin’s journey through the entertainment industry was marked by both critical acclaim and widespread popularity, most notably as the star of the beloved sitcom Alice. Drawing inspiration from Martin Scorsese’s film Alice Doesn’t Live Here Anymore, the show debuted in 1976, introducing audiences to Alice Hyatt—an everywoman character who worked as a waitress in a diner while raising her young son after becoming a widow. With her iconic paper hat and a warm, relatable demeanor, Lavin became a symbol of perseverance for working moms everywhere.
The show, which featured unforgettable catchphrases like “Kiss my grits!”, quickly became a hit, reaching the top ten in ratings for several years. Lavin’s portrayal of Alice resonated deeply with viewers, making them laugh and cry in equal measure. Her musical talent shone through as she crooned the show’s theme song, “There’s a New Girl in Town,” which remains etched in the hearts of fans.
In addition to her television success, Lavin was a force on Broadway, earning a Tony Award for her outstanding performance in Neil Simon’s Broadway Bound. Her ability to capture the complexity of characters—from a self-described nag in The Lyons to the frazzled yet witty protagonist in Collected Stories—showcased her remarkable range and depth as an actress.
Despite her impressive accolades in theater, Lavin never lost sight of her roots. Her dedication to her craft continued to shine through in recent years, as she actively participated in projects, including a new Netflix series, No Good Deed—a testament to her enduring passion for storytelling. She was also busy filming for the forthcoming Hulu series, Mid-Century Modern, until her untimely passing, reminding us all how vibrant and dedicated she was right up to the end.
Beyond her roles on screen and stage, Lavin’s legacy is also defined by her commitment to nurturing the next generation of performers. Her mantra, “work brings work,” reflects her belief in the value of persistence and seizing every opportunity. This wisdom, offered to aspiring actresses, continues to inspire those seeking a place in the competitive world of entertainment.
The warmth of Lavin’s spirit extended beyond her work; her dedication to the arts included co-founding the Red Barn Studio Theatre in Wilmington, North Carolina, where she produced and starred in numerous acclaimed plays. It became a haven for creativity, showcasing both timeless classics and contemporary works to an appreciative audience.
As we mourn the loss of Linda Lavin, we celebrate the joy, laughter, and inspiration she brought into our lives through her performances. Whether it was the role of a struggling waitress fighting for her dreams or a beloved mother bringing her family together, Lavin’s characters became an integral part of our cultural fabric. She will always be remembered as a talented actress and an unforgettable icon, reminding us to embrace every moment, and that it’s never too late to pursue our passions.
Thank you, Linda, for sharing your light with us. You will be missed, but your legacy will live on through the countless lives you touched. Rest in peace, dear Alice.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Linda_Lavin
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What’s next for Albertsons after calling off its $25B grocery merger with Kroger: More lawsuits
Christine P. Bartholomew, University at Buffalo
Albertsons announced on Dec. 11, 2024, that it had called off an attempted merger with Kroger and would sue Kroger for breach of contract. The US$25 billion deal, first announced in 2022, would have combined Cincinnati-based Kroger, already the largest traditional U.S. supermarket chain, with Boise, Idaho-based Albertsons, which is currently the third-biggest grocer.
The Conversation U.S. asked Christine P. Bartholomew, a professor at the University at Buffalo School of Law who researches consumer protection, to explain how the merger failed and why it matters.
Which supermarkets belong to the two companies?
Kroger has 28 subsidiaries with nearly 2,800 supermarkets, including Harris Teeter, Dillon’s, Smith’s, King Soopers, Fry’s, City Market, Owen’s, JayC, Pay Less, Baker’s Gerbes, Pick‘n Save, Metro Market, Mariano’s Fresh Market, QFC, Ralphs and Fred Meyer.
Albertsons owns and operates more than 2,200 supermarkets through its many brands. They include Safeway, Vons, Jewel-Osco, Shaw’s, Acme, Tom Thumb, Randalls, United Supermarkets, Pavilions, Star Market, Haggen, Carrs, Kings Food Market and Balducci’s.
Kroger and Albertsons also operate supermarkets branded with their own names.
Had the merger gone forward, it would have been the largest of its kind in U.S. history, affecting millions of grocery shoppers.
To ward off regulators’ concerns, prior to canceling the transaction, the chains announced in 2023 a plan to sell hundreds of their supermarkets across the United States to C&S Wholesale Grocers. They updated this plan in 2024, pledging to not close any stores.
Why did Kroger want to acquire Albertsons?
The companies argued that they needed to join forces to compete against even bigger online and big box retailers. In recent years, Walmart and Costco have gained market share, while other chains have held steady or lost ground.
The companies also feared stiff competition from dollar stores, one of the fastest-growing segments of U.S. retail.
The federal government opposed the merger, with the U.S. Federal Trade Commission suing to block it. Had the deal gone through, the new company would have cemented its position, ensuring it has the largest market share for grocery purchases after Walmart.
What happened in court?
In February 2024, the FTC, along with state attorneys general representing consumers in eight states – Arizona, California, Illinois, Maryland, Nevada, New Mexico, Oregon and Wyoming – filed a federal lawsuit in Oregon to block the merger. So did the District of Columbia’s attorney general.
This wasn’t the only legal challenge the merger faced. The Washington and Colorado attorneys general both filed suit in their own states to block the merger.
After hearings in both cases and months of uncertainty, the judges in both Oregon and Washington issued their rulings.
U.S. District Court Judge Adrienne Nelson, in Portland, Oregon, on Dec. 10, which blocked the merger pending the outcome of the administrative proceedings before the FTC.
A few hours later, Judge Marshall Ferguson in Seattle issued a permanent injunction barring the merger in Washington state only. Both judges determined that the merger risked significantly reducing competition and that the companies didn’t offer enough evidence that the merger would help consumers.
“We’re standing up to mega-monopolies to keep prices down,” Ferguson said. He called the injunction “an important victory for affordability, worker protections and the rule of law.”
Albertsons and Kroger’s plan to offload stores to C&S didn’t impress the judges. Not only did Nelson find the divestiture insufficient in scale, but she ruled it was “structured in a way that will significantly disadvantage C&S as a competitor.”
Albertsons v. Kroger
The morning after the Washington and Oregon decisions were issued, the deal was dead.
Albertsons announced it terminated the merger agreement, citing the court decisions.
Both companies still face significant legal challenges, though. Five minutes after announcing its intent to back out of the deal, Albertsons issued a second press release announcing it had filed a lawsuit against Kroger.
Albertsons said Kroger willfully breached the deal “by repeatedly refusing to divest assets necessary for antitrust approval, ignoring regulators’ feedback, rejecting stronger divestiture buyers and failing to cooperate with Albertsons.” The suit seeks significant damages, including “billions of dollars” for lost shareholder value and legal costs, as well as a $600 million merger breakup fee.
In response, Kroger said that “Albertsons’ claims are baseless and without merit.”
Albertsons’ suit against Kroger is pending in Delaware Court of Chancery, which hears many legal business disputes. The complaint remains temporarily under seal.
This article includes passages that appeared in an article about the proposed merger that was published on Feb. 28, 2024.
Christine P. Bartholomew, Professor of Law, University at Buffalo
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
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Why Canada’s decision to lift a ban on cod fishing in Newfoundland after 32 years is so controversial – podcast
Cod Fishing
For generations, cod fishing was a way of life in Newfoundland and Labrador, the easternmost province in Canada. But in 1992, after cod stocks in the north Atlantic plummeted, the federal government imposed a moratorium on cod fishing. It was to last for 32 years until it was lifted in June 2024.
The decision was controversial and in this week’s episode of The Conversation Weekly podcast we speak to a fisheries expert to shed light on what’s happened. It offers a cautionary tale for those politicians trying to balance the complex demands of protecting ecosystems that also support substantial economies. https://embed.acast.com/60087127b9687759d637bade/6735d6305ff3c5f14422c352
Newfoundland is a sleepy place with colourful wooden houses and icebergs that pass by its northern shores in early summer. The island is perched out in the north Atlantic near the grand banks, some of the most prolific fishing waters in the world.
Fishing has been the backbone of the economy for centuries, and so when the Canadian government imposed a cod moratorium in 1992 it had a huge impact, with an estimated 30,000 people in Newfoundland and Labrador out of work overnight. Some cod fishing was permitted in inshore waters from the late 1990s in boats less than 20 metres long, but all commercial offshore trawler fishing was prohibited.
A number of factors led to the decline of the cod population, but the most significant was overfishing, explains Tyler Eddy, a research scientist in fisheries science at Memorial University of Newfoundland.
When they started to put the brakes on the fishing it was already too late, the population had been already reduced to a low level.
The expectation was that the moratorium would last for a few years, enough for the cod stocks to recover. But that didn’t happen, explained Eddy.
That was one of the big surprises of the moratorium was that we stopped fishing and fish didn’t come back.
Moving goalposts
There was a little uptick in 2016, but the recovery stalled. Then, in 2023, a new historical dataset tracking how many baby cod made it to adulthood back in the boom years of the 1960s was introduced into the annual assessment of the cod stocks.
The effect, explains Eddy, who was one of the scientists involved in the decision, was to reduce what experts believed the cod population could recover to. It also lowered the reference points for whether a stock is in the critical, cautious or healthy zone.
It would be as if a car was doing 80km/hour and the speed limit used to be 60km/hour, so it was over the speed limit. Now the speed limit is changing to 80km so the car is actually doing within the speed limit. The car hasn’t changed speed at all, it’s just the reference point has changed.
And this is what happened: the 2024 assessment of cod stocks using this new dataset put cod in the cautious zone, rather than the critical zone.
In June, the Canadian government used this shift to justify lifting the moratorium. It increased the total allowable catch for the year from 13,000 to 18,000 tonnes and reopened some cod fishing in offshore waters in 2024, including to some international trawlers.
It’s since emerged that this decision went against the scientific advice of officials within Fisheries and Oceans Canada, the department which manages fishing. They had recommended maintaining the existing level of total allowable catch and continuing to limit it to inshore fishers.
A spokesperson for Fisheries and Oceans Canada told The Conversation that it makes fishery decisions informed by the best available science and a range of other factors, including socioeconomic considerations.
Newfoundland is now waiting until early 2025 when the next stock assessment of the Atlantic cod takes place, to see what the impact will be. Eddy explained how finely balanced the situation is:
Even though we are in the cautious zone, we’re just barely in the cautious zone … we’ve just barely crossed this threshold, and there’s actually a probability that we could still be within the critical zone. And if we look at the projections for the next three years, I think there’s a two-thirds to three-quarter chance that we’re going to end up back in the critical zone.
Listen to the full episode on The Conversation Weekly podcast, which also includes an introduction from Harris Kuemmerle, environment and energy editor at The Conversation Canada.
This episode of The Conversation Weekly was produced by Gemma Ware and Katie Flood with assistance from Mend Mariwany. Sound design was by Michelle Macklem, and our theme music is by Neeta Sarl.
Newsclips in this episode from CBC News NL – Newfoundland and Labrador, CTV Your Morning and CBC News.
You can find us on Instagram at theconversationdotcom or via e-mail. You can also subscribe to The Conversation’s free daily e-mail here.
Listen to The Conversation Weekly via any of the apps listed above, download it directly via our RSS feed or find out how else to listen here.
Gemma Ware, Host, The Conversation Weekly Podcast, The Conversation
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
STM Daily News is a vibrant news blog dedicated to sharing the brighter side of human experiences. Emphasizing positive, uplifting stories, the site focuses on delivering inspiring, informative, and well-researched content. With a commitment to accurate, fair, and responsible journalism, STM Daily News aims to foster a community of readers passionate about positive change and engaged in meaningful conversations. Join the movement and explore stories that celebrate the positive impacts shaping our world.
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