The Bridge
Harriet Tubman led military raids during the Civil War as well as her better-known slave rescues
Harriet Tubman, renowned for her vital role in the Underground Railroad, also served as a Civil War spy and leader, fighting for freedom and equality despite enduring systemic racism and discrimination.
Kate Clifford Larson, Brandeis University
Harriet Tubman was barely 5 feet tall and didn’t have a dime to her name.
What she did have was a deep faith and powerful passion for justice that was fueled by a network of Black and white abolitionists determined to end slavery in America.
“I had reasoned this out in my mind,” Tubman once told an interviewer. “There was one of two things I had a right to, liberty, or death. If I could not have one, I would have the other; for no man should take me alive.”
Though Tubman is most famous for her successes along the Underground Railroad, her activities as a Civil War spy are less well known.
As a biographer of Tubman, I think this is a shame. Her devotion to America and its promise of freedom endured despite suffering decades of enslavement and second class citizenship.
It is only in modern times that her life is receiving the renown it deserves, most notably her likeness appearing on a US$20 bill in 2030. The Harriet Tubman $20 bill will replace the current one featuring a portrait of U.S. President Andrew Jackson.
In another recognition, Tubman was accepted in June 2021 to the United States Army Military Intelligence Corps Hall of Fame at Fort Huachuca, Arizona. She is one of 278 members, 17 of whom are women, honored for their special operations leadership and intelligence work.
Though traditional accolades escaped Tubman for most of her life, she did achieve an honor usually reserved for white officers on the Civil War battlefield.
After she led a successful raid of a Confederate outpost in South Carolina that saw 750 Black people rescued from slavery, a white commanding officer fetched a pitcher of water for Tubman as she remained seated at a table.
A different education
Believed to have been born in March 1822 in Dorchester County, Maryland, Tubman was named Araminta by her enslaved parents, Rit and Ben Ross.
“Minty” was the fifth of nine Ross children. She was frequently separated from her family by her white enslaver, Edward Brodess, who started leasing her to white neighbors when she was just 6 years old.
At their hands, she endured physical abuse, harsh labor, poor nutrition and intense loneliness.
As I learned during my research into Tubman’s life, her education did not happen in a traditional classroom, but instead was crafted from the dirt. She learned to read the natural world – forests and fields, rivers and marshes, the clouds and stars.
She learned to walk silently across fields and through the woods at night with no lights to guide her. She foraged for food and learned a botanist’s and chemist’s knowledge of edible and poisonous plants – and those most useful for ingredients in medical treatments.
She could not swim, and that forced her to learn the ways of rivers and streams – their depths, currents and traps.
She studied people, learned their habits, watched their movements – all without being noticed. Most important, she also figured out how to distinguish character. Her survival depended on her ability to remember every detail.
After a brain injury left her with recurring seizures, she was still able to work at jobs often reserved for men. She toiled on the shipping docks and learned the secret communication and transportation networks of Black mariners.
Known as Black Jacks, these men traveled throughout the Chesapeake Bay and the Atlantic seaboard. With them, she studied the night sky and the placement and movement of the constellations.
She used all those skills to navigate on the water and land.
“… and I prayed to God,” she told one friend, “to make me strong and able to fight, and that’s what I’ve always prayed for ever since.”
Tubman was clear on her mission. “I should fight for my liberty,” she told an admirer, “as long as my strength lasted.”
The Moses of the Underground Railroad
In the fall of 1849, when she was about to be sold away from her family and free husband John Tubman, she fled Maryland to freedom in Philadelphia.
Between 1850 and 1860, she returned to the Eastern Shore of Maryland about 13 times and successfully rescued nearly 70 friends and family members, all of whom were enslaved. It was an extraordinary feat given the perils of the 1850 Slave Fugitive Act, which enabled anyone to capture and return any Black man or woman, regardless of legal status, to slavery.
Those leadership qualities and survival skills earned her the nickname “Moses” because of her work on the Underground Railroad, the interracial network of abolitionists who enabled Black people to escape from slavery in the South to freedom in the North and Canada.
As a result, she attracted influential abolitionists and politicians who were struck by her courage and resolve – men like William Lloyd Garrison, John Brown and Frederick Douglass. Susan B. Anthony, one of the world’s leading activists for women’s equal rights, also knew of Tubman, as did abolitionist Lucretia Mott and women’s rights activist Amy Post.
“I was the conductor of the Underground Railroad for eight years,” Tubman once said. “and I can say what most conductors can’t say; I never ran my train off the track and I never lost a passenger.”
Battlefield soldier
When the Civil War started in the spring of 1861, Tubman put aside her fight against slavery to conduct combat as a soldier and spy for the United States Army. She offered her services to a powerful politician.
Known for his campaign to form the all-Black 54th and 55th regiments, Massachusetts Gov. John Andrew admired Tubman and thought she would be a great intelligence asset for the Union forces.
He arranged for her to go to Beaufort, South Carolina, to work with Army officers in charge of the recently captured Hilton Head District.
There, she provided nursing care to soldiers and hundreds of newly liberated people who crowded Union camps. Tubman’s skill curing soldiers stricken by a variety of diseases became legendary.
But it was her military service of spying and scouting behind Confederate lines that earned her the highest praise.
She recruited eight men and together they skillfully infiltrated enemy territory. Tubman made contact with local enslaved people who secretly shared their knowledge of Confederate movements and plans.
Wary of white Union soldiers, many local African Americans trusted and respected Tubman.
According to George Garrison, a second lieutenant with the 55th Massachusetts Regiment, Tubman secured “more intelligence from them than anybody else.”
In early June 1863, she became the first woman in U.S. history to command an armed military raid when she guided Col. James Montgomery and his 2nd South Carolina Colored Volunteers Regiment along the Combahee River.
While there, they routed Confederate outposts, destroyed stores of cotton, food and weapons – and liberated over 750 enslaved people.
The Union victory was widely celebrated. Newspapers from Boston to Wisconsin reported on the river assault by Montgomery and his Black regiment, noting Tubman’s important role as the “Black she Moses … who led the raid, and under whose inspiration it was originated and conducted.”
Ten days after the successful attack, radical abolitionist and soldier Francis Jackson Merriam witnessed Maj. Gen. David Hunter, commander of the Hilton Head district, “go and fetch a pitcher of water and stand waiting with it in his hand while a black woman drank, as if he had been one of his own servants.”
In that letter to Gov. Andrew, Merriam added, “that woman was Harriet Tubman.”
Lifelong struggle
Despite earning commendations as a valuable scout and soldier, Tubman still faced the racism and sexism of America after the Civil War.
When she sought payment for her service as a spy, the U.S. Congress denied her claim. It paid the eight Black male scouts, but not her.
Unlike the Union officers who knew her, the congressmen did not believe – they could not imagine – that she had served her country like the men under her command, because she was a woman.
Gen. Rufus Saxton wrote that he bore “witness to the value of her services… She was employed in the Hospitals and as a spy [and] made many a raid inside the enemy’s lines displaying remarkable courage, zeal and fidelity.”
Thirty years later, in 1899, Congress awarded her a pension for her service as a Civil War nurse, but not as a soldier spy.
When she died from pneumonia on March 10, 1913, she was believed to have been 91 years old and had been fighting for gender equality and the right to vote as a free Black woman for more than 50 years after her work during the Civil War.
Surrounded by friends and family, the deeply religious Tubman showed one last sign of leadership, telling them: “I go to prepare a place for you.”
Kate Clifford Larson, Professor of History, Brandeis University
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
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Scottsdale Cuts DEI Programs: A Controversial Shift in Community Initiatives
Scottsdale’s City Council voted to cut several diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives, prompting heated community discussions on their importance, despite the city’s assurances of continued commitment to equal opportunity.
SCOTTSDALE, Ariz. — In the aftermath of a recent City Council vote, multiple diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) initiatives are facing significant changes, pauses, or outright terminations in Scottsdale. This decision has sparked spirited discussions among residents and community leaders regarding the future of these programs and their impact on the community.
Last week, city employees received an internal memo detailing the specific DEI initiatives that would be eliminated. This decision follows a controversial 5 to 2 vote by the City Council in February, which adopted an ordinance to discontinue city funding for DEI programs. The ordinance emphasized that city employees should be hired, evaluated, and promoted based on merit and outlined the reassignment of at least two DEI-related positions.
As part of this shift, Scottsdale has removed its DEI website and all associated social media accounts, along with any printed materials displayed at city facilities. Among the program cuts are the City’s Juneteenth celebration, the employee-driven Diversity Advisory Committee, and a special program at the public library designed for children that incorporated music and fingerplays promoting DEI values.
Additionally, the City will no longer sponsor significant events and organizations, including the NAACP Freedom Fund Dinner and the Local Government Hispanic Network. However, the Scottsdale Human Relations Commission, the Mayor’s Ability Awards, and the enforcement of the city’s anti-discrimination ordinances will remain intact, according to a spokesperson for the City.
City officials anticipate that these cuts will free up approximately $115,000 in the Scottsdale budget. In a statement responding to the changes, Scottsdale Mayor Lisa Borowsky emphasized the commitment to ensure that every individual in Scottsdale has equal opportunities for success. “Although the formal diversity office has ended, we remain committed to ensuring every individual in Scottsdale has equal opportunity to thrive,” she stated. Borowsky added, “We are a welcoming city, and I am confident that my fellow residents, business leaders, our nonprofit partners, and our anchor institutions will continue to work alongside the city in achieving our collective goal – ensuring that no community or resident in Scottsdale is underserved or overlooked.”
Despite the city’s assurances, the decision has met with backlash from residents who argue that these programs play a crucial role in building community and fostering diversity. Madison Stroh, a local resident, expressed concern about the cuts, stating, “If that money being saved is put to other good uses, then I think that would be beneficial. But if they’re just trying to cut it just to cut it, then I don’t know how I feel about it.”
As Scottsdale moves forward with this significant change in its approach to diversity, equity, and inclusion, the community will undoubtedly continue to engage in discussions about the importance of these initiatives and their impact on the city’s fabric. The cuts reflect a critical juncture for Scottsdale as it navigates the complexities of balancing budgetary constraints with the needs of its diverse population. Residents will be watching closely as the city aims to redefine its commitments moving forward.
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Can the Trump administration legally deport Palestinian rights advocate Mahmoud Khalil? 3 things to know about green card holders’ rights
Gabriel J. Chin, University of California, Davis
Secretary of State Marco Rubio has said that the government will deport lawful permanent residents who support Hamas and came to the U.S. as students with an intent “to rile up all kinds of anti-Jewish student, antisemitic activities,” referencing the Palestinian rights protests at universities in 2024.
“And if you end up having a green card – not citizenship, but a green card – as a result of that visa while you’re here and those activities, we’re going to kick you out. It’s as simple as that. This is not about free speech. This is about people that don’t have a right to be in the United States to begin with,” Rubio said on March 12, 2025.
That policy has now ensnared Mahmoud Khalil, a recent graduate of Columbia University and a leader in the Palestinian rights protest movement at the school. Khalil, a Palestinian who was born in Syria, faces deportation after he was arrested on March 8, 2025, in New York City. The that the secretary of state had determined Khalil’s presence or activities in the country posed “serious adverse foreign policy consequences for the United States.”
Mahmoud Khalil,
Khalil entered the U.S. on a student visa in 2022. In 2024, he received a green card and became a lawful permanent resident – meaning he has the legal right to work and stay in the U.S. There are an estimated 12.8 million lawful permanent residents in the country.
Khalil’s lawyers say that his arrest and pending deportation are unconstitutional.
In many respects, the rights of lawful permanent residents and citizens are similar. Yet citizens and lawful permanent residents do not enjoy equal status under the law.
The Supreme Court and other courts recognize that lawful permanent residents have First Amendment rights to free speech.
Yet the Supreme Court upheld deporting lawful permanent residents in the 1950s based on their political activity, in particular membership in the Communist Party.
So, while lawful permanent residents may not be criminally prosecuted for their political speech or activity, what they say or write may well affect their ability to remain in the U.S., if the government determines that they are a security risk.
I’m a scholar of immigration law. Here are three major differences between the rights of citizens and lawful permanent residents.
1. Limited political rights
Lawful permanent residents are people born in other countries who can legally work and live in the U.S. for as long as they like. They may enlist in the U.S. armed forces, apply to become U.S. citizens, and are legally protected against discrimination by private employers.
States also generally cannot discriminate against lawful permanent residents – though states may require certain groups of people, such as teachers or police, to have U.S. citizenship.
Between 1820 and 1920, noncitizens routinely participated in different aspects of government, including voting, holding office and jury service in many states and territories.
These days, states and the federal government generally allow only citizens to serve on juries, hold political positions and vote. With a few exceptions, such as voting in some local elections, permanent residents are not able to do any of these things.
2. Limited public benefits
The distinction between noncitizens and citizens extends to other areas of life, such as public benefits.
The Supreme Court has frequently stated, “In the exercise of its broad power over naturalization and immigration, Congress regularly makes rules that would be unacceptable if applied to citizens.”
In practice, this means that the federal government – and to a much lesser extent, states – do not offer public benefits, such as Medicaid and other kinds of government support, to lawful permanent residents and other noncitizens on the same basis as citizens.
For example, lawful permanent residents must generally wait five years before becoming eligible for certain programs intended to support low-income people, such as Supplemental Security Income and the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program.
3. Reversal of immigration status
Finally, unlike citizens, lawful permanent residents can lose their legal immigration status.
Congress has enacted many grounds for deporting a noncitizen, or stopping them from entering the country.
Some courts have found that the U.S. government can deport a lawful permanent resident because of national security or terrorism concerns, even if the person has not committed a crime.
The Trump administration argues that they can deport lawful permanent residents like Khalil under the 1952 Immigration and Nationality Act, which states that a lawful permanent resident can be deported if the secretary of state has reasonable ground to believe that this person “would have potentially serious adverse foreign policy consequences for the United States.”
The Trump administration had initiated deportation proceedings against Khalil on this ground.
U.S. law also provides that any non-citizen can be deported if the secretary of state and the attorney general jointly determine that the person is associated with terrorism, or poses a threat to the U.S. In addition, the law says an immigrant can be deported if they “endorse or espouse terrorist activity or persuades others” to endorse or espouse terrorist activity or support a terrorist organization.
Still, lawful permanent residents are entitled to certain basic rights, such as retaining a lawyer to represent them in administrative hearings and court before they are deported.
By contrast, the U.S. government cannot deport a U.S. citizen for any reason. However, sometimes U.S. citizens are deported by mistake.
Indeed, the Supreme Court has found that while it is constitutional to execute a military member for desertion in wartime, it would be cruel and unusual punishment to deprive them of citizenship.
Legal grounds for deporting noncitizens
There have been few recent court cases testing the scope of deporting lawful permanent residents on national security grounds based on pure speech.
In 1999, the Supreme Court ruled that if a person is deportable, they are deportable – even if there is some other reason that motivated the government’s deportation proceedings, such as a suspicion that the non-citizen is involved with crime or terrorism.
The Supreme Court also then held that the government could deport non-citizens for technical visa violations, even if the case was based on the government’s belief that the non-citizens were associated with a terrorist group.
There is also some precedent arguing that deportation based on “adverse foreign policy consequences” is too broad and nonspecific to be constitutional.
Indeed, Marianne Trump Barry, the sister of the president, held this opinion when she was a federal judge in the mid-1990s. But Samuel Alito, then an appeals court judge, overturned Barry’s ruling on procedural grounds in 1996.
For its part, the Supreme Court has occasionally held that very broad and indeterminate deportation grounds are “void for vagueness,” meaning so sweeping and imprecise that they are unconstitutional.
Khalil’s lawyers appeared with U.S. government lawyers before a federal judge in New York on March 12. Their goal: to get Khalil moved from internment in Louisiana back to internment in New York. But that may well be just the beginning of a long haul for the Palestinian student. Courts have proved reluctant to second-guess security grounds rationales in immigration cases. For these reasons, cases like Khalil’s may go on for years.
Gabriel J. Chin, Professor of Criminal Law, Immigration, and Race and Law, University of California, Davis
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
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In a significant move aimed at addressing the ongoing housing crisis in Arizona, the state Senate has passed Senate Bill 1229, a piece of legislation that could transform the way municipalities regulate home designs and development standards. This bipartisan bill passed on March 5, 2025, with a narrow vote of 16-13, attracting support from both Democrats and Republicans who are united in their objective to enhance housing affordability in the Grand Canyon State.
Key Provisions of Senate Bill 1229
One of the most notable aspects of SB 1229 is its proposal to prevent municipalities from mandating shared amenities that require a Homeowners Association (HOA) for maintenance. This change is seen as a step toward safeguarding homeowners’ rights to decide the features, structure, and design of their properties without being subjected to burdensome regulations.
Moreover, the bill aims to prohibit cities from requiring certain elements such as screening, walls, or fencing on residential properties. It will also establish boundaries on how cities can regulate lot sizes and building setbacks. These provisions are designed to empower homeowners and help make housing more accessible.
Addressing the Housing Crisis
The initiative comes in light of a severe housing crisis that has plagued Arizona, making homeownership increasingly elusive for many residents. The language within the bill highlights the ongoing struggle for citizens in obtaining affordable housing: “It has become virtually impossible for many citizens of this state to achieve the American Dream of owning their own home.”
Supporters assert that the current highly-restrictive regulations contribute to this crisis and that SB 1229 presents a commonsense solution for families, teachers, first responders, and young professionals who have found themselves priced out of the housing market.
Bipartisan Support and Community Impact
Notably, the bill garnered a rare coalition of support from both parties, with nine Republicans and seven Democrats voting in favor. This broad backing could play a crucial role in advancing the bill to the House, where it may have a better chance of avoiding a veto from Governor Katie Hobbs.
State Senator Shawnna Bolick, a Republican representing District 2, expressed that this new legislation is a much-needed remedy to the housing challenges faced by many Arizona families. She emphasized that it aims to help working-class citizens secure homes that meet their needs and budget.
Echoing these sentiments, Democratic Senator Analise Ortiz shared her own struggles in the current housing market. “At 31, I cannot afford to own a home where I was born and raised and currently govern,” she stated. Ortiz’s personal experience underscores the urgency for legislative changes that prioritize affordable housing options for all residents.
Conclusion
As Arizona grapples with a pervasive housing crisis, Senate Bill 1229 represents a pivotal step towards unlocking new possibilities for homeownership and easing regulatory burdens that have long stymied development. By promoting flexibility in housing regulations, this legislation aims to pave the way for a brighter future for countless residents seeking to realize their dream of homeownership in Arizona.
The upcoming discussions in the House will be crucial in determining the fate of this bill. As passionate advocates for housing reform continue to support this initiative, many Arizona residents will be watching closely to see how it unfolds.
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https://www.kawc.org/news/2024-05-09/arizona-senate-passes-measure-on-affordable-housing
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