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How constitutional guardrails have always contained presidential ambitions
The article discusses concerns regarding Trump’s second term and potential threats to American democracy, highlighting historical presidential power expansions and emphasizing the resilience of democratic institutions against authoritarianism in the U.S.
Victor Menaldo, University of Washington
As Donald Trump’s second inauguration fast approaches, concerns he threatens American democracy are rising yet again. Some warnings have cited Trump’s authoritarian rhetoric, willingness to undermine or malign institutions meant to constrain any president, and a combative style that strives to stretch executive power as far as possible.
Authoritarianism erodes property rights and the rule of law, so financial markets typically respond with alarm to political unrest. If major investors and corporations really believed the United States was on the brink of dictatorship, there would be large-scale capital flight, equity sell-offs, spikes in U.S. credit default swaps or rising bond yields unexplained by typical macroeconomic factors such as inflation forecasts.
Instead, there have been no systematic signs of such market reactions, nor an investor exodus from American markets. Quite the contrary.
This absence of alarm is not conclusive proof that democracy is safe forever, nor that Trump cannot damage American democracy at all. But it does suggest that credible institutions and investors who literally bet on political outcomes for a living do not view an American autocracy as imminent or even likely.
This is probably because the mechanics of upending American democracy would entail surmounting a thick tangle of constitutional, bureaucratic, legal and political obstacles. As a political economist who has written widely about the constitutional foundations of modern democracies, I submit it’s far more complicated than one man issuing brash executive orders.
Presidents have long seized more power
Throughout American history, presidents have achieved far greater expansions of executive power than Trump did in his first term.
Abraham Lincoln suspended habeas corpus during the Civil War, allowing detention without trial. He bypassed Congress through sweeping executive actions, most notably the Emancipation Proclamation, which declared freedom for enslaved people in Confederate states.
Woodrow Wilson created administrative agencies and imposed draconian censorship during World War I via the Espionage Act of 1917 and the Sedition Act of 1918.
Franklin D. Roosevelt’s court-packing plan failed to pass, but it still cowed the Supreme Court into deference. His New Deal bureaucracy centralized vast powers in the executive branch.
Lyndon B. Johnson obtained the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, transferring major war-making powers from Congress to the presidency. Richard Nixon invoked executive privilege and ordered secret bombings in Cambodia, steps that largely bypassed congressional oversight.
George W. Bush expanded executive prerogatives after 9/11 with warrantless wiretapping and indefinite detention. Barack Obama faced criticism for the dubious legal rationale behind drone strikes targeting U.S. citizens deemed enemy combatants abroad.
These historical examples should not be conflated with an actual ability to impose one-man rule, though. The United States, whatever its imperfections, has a deeply layered system of checks and balances that has repeatedly stymied presidents of both parties when they tried to govern by decree.
Trump’s openly combative style was in many ways less adept at entrenching presidential power than many of his predecessors. During his first term, he broadcast his intentions so transparently that it galvanized numerous institutional forces – judges, bureaucrats, state officials, inspectors general – to resist his attempts. While Trump’s rhetoric was more incendiary, other presidents achieved deeper expansions of the executive branch more discreetly.
Trump’s Jan. 6 plan was never realistic
Trump’s failure to impose his will became particularly evident on Jan. 6, 2021, when claims that an “auto-coup” was afoot never translated into the real-world mechanics that would have kept him in office beyond the end of his term.
Even before the Electoral Count Reform Act made the process clearer in 2022, scholars agreed that under the 12th Amendment the vice president’s role in certifying the election is purely ministerial, giving him no constitutional basis to replace or discard certified electoral votes. Similarly, state laws mandate that certification is a mandatory, ministerial duty, preventing officials from arbitrarily refusing to certify election results.
Had Pence refused to certify the Electoral College vote count, it is more likely than not that courts would have swiftly ordered Congress to proceed. Moreover, the 20th Amendment fixed noon on Jan. 20 as the end of the outgoing president’s term, making it impossible for Trump to remain in power just by creating delay or confusion.
The idea that Pence’s refusal to certify could erase state-certified votes, or coerce Congress into accepting alternate slates, had no firm grounding in law or precedent. After Jan. 20, the outgoing president would simply cease to hold office. Thus, the chain of events needed for an auto-coup to occur in 2021 would have fallen apart under the weight of well-established procedures.
A massive bureaucracy
Potential avenues of power consolidation during Trump’s impending second term are equally narrow. The federal bureaucracy makes it exceedingly difficult for a president to rule by fiat.
The Department of Justice alone comprises roughly 115,000 employees, including over 10,000 attorneys and 13,000 FBI agents, most of them career civil servants protected by the Civil Service Reform Act and whistleblower laws. They have their own professional standards and can challenge or reveal political interference. If an administration tries to remove them en masse, it runs into protracted appeals processes, legal constraints, the need to conduct a bevy of lengthy background checks and a crippling loss of institutional knowledge.
Past episodes, including the George W. Bush administration’s politically motivated dismissals of U.S. attorneys in 2006 and 2007, illustrate that congressional oversight and internal department practices can still produce major pushback, resignations and scandals that thwart political interference with the Justice Department.
Independent regulatory agencies also resist being dominated by the president. Many are designed so that no more than three out of five commissioners can belong to the same political party, ensuring some measure of bipartisan representation. Minority commissioners can deploy a host of procedural tools – delaying votes, demanding comprehensive studies, calling for hearings – that slow down or block controversial proposals. This makes it harder for a single leader to unilaterally impose policy. Those minority commissioners can also alert the media and Congress to questionable moves, inviting investigations or public scrutiny.
In addition, a 2024 Supreme Court ruling shifted the power to interpret federal laws, as passed by Congress, away from executive branch government agencies. Now, federal judges play a more active role in determining what Congress’ words mean. This requires agencies to operate within narrower bounds and to produce stronger evidence to justify their decisions. In practical terms, an administration now has less leeway to stretch statutes for partisan or authoritarian ends without encountering judicial pushback.
Layers of defenses
American democracy has vulnerabilities, and other democracies have collapsed under powerful executives before. But in my view, it’s not reasonable to draw definitive lessons from a tiny number of extreme outliers, such as Hitler in 1933 or the handful of elected leaders who staged more recent auto-coups in fragile or developing democracies such as Argentina, Peru, Turkey and even Hungary.
The United States stands out for having a complex federal system, entrenched legal practices and multiple layers of institutional friction. Those protections have historically proven adept at limiting presidential overreach – whether subtle or bombastic.
In addition, state-level politicians, including attorneys general and governors, have repeatedly demonstrated their willingness to challenge federal overreach through litigation and noncooperation.
The military’s professional culture of civilian control and constitutional fidelity, consistently upheld by the courts, provides another safeguard. For instance, in 1952 the Supreme Court ruling in Youngstown Sheet and Tube Co. v. Sawyer reversed President Harry Truman’s order that the military seize privately owned steel mills to ensure supply during the Korean War.
All those institutional checks are further buttressed by a robust civil society that can mobilize legal challenges, advocacy campaigns and grassroots resistance. Corporations can wield economic influence through public statements, campaign funding decisions and policy stances – as many did in the aftermath of Jan. 6.
Taken together, these overlapping layers of resistance make the path to autocracy far more challenging than many casual observers might assume. These protections also may explain why most Americans are resigned to Trump’s second term: Many may have come to realize that the nation’s democratic experiment is not at stake – and probably never was.
Victor Menaldo, Professor of Political Science, Co-founder of the Political Economy Forum, University of Washington
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
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The Controversy Surrounding the Jackie Robinson Biography at the U.S. Naval Academy
The Trump administration’s push to ban Jackie Robinson’s biography from the U.S. Naval Academy Library highlights tensions over diversity narratives in education, sparking controversy and raising concerns about historical representation amid ongoing political divisiveness.
Jackie Robinson, first baseman with the Brooklyn Dodgers, circa 1949.
In an alarming move reflecting ongoing tensions over diverse narratives in education and public discourse, the Trump administration is reportedly pushing to ban a biography of Jackie Robinson from the Nimitz Library at the U.S. Naval Academy. This follows a week of controversy sparked by the temporary removal and subsequent restoration of an article on Robinson’s Army service from the Pentagon’s website.
According to a report from The New York Times, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has directed the Naval Academy to review its library collection for works that embody themes of diversity, equity, and inclusion. The biography of Robinson, alongside around 900 other titles—including Martin Luther King Jr.’s autobiography and “Einstein on Race and Racism”—has been flagged for removal under this directive.
Cmdr. Tim Hawkins, a spokesman for the Naval Academy, stated, “The U.S. Naval Academy is fully committed to executing and implementing all directives outlined in executive orders issued by the president and is currently reviewing the Nimitz Library collection to ensure compliance. The Navy is carrying out these actions with utmost professionalism, efficiency, and in alignment with national security objectives.”
With Hegseth scheduled to visit the Academy soon, it remains uncertain whether these controversial titles will be removed from the library before his arrival. The issue has sparked substantial outcry, particularly in light of the administration’s recent criticism over removing articles that celebrate influential figures in U.S. history, like Robinson and the Navajo code talkers.
In a discussion prompted by ESPN’s Jeff Passan, Pentagon press secretary John Ullyot reiterated the administration’s stance against diversity initiatives, indicating that some content may have been removed inadvertently. His comments drew significant backlash, leading to a follow-up statement emphasizing “patriotism and dedication to the warfighting mission” rather than racial or ethnic identities.
Robinson, a second lieutenant in the Army from 1942 to 1944, served with the 761st Tank Battalion, the first Black tank unit to see combat in World War II. His court-martial for refusing to adhere to a racist bus policy only underscores his enduring struggle against racial injustice, paving the way for his groundbreaking success in Major League Baseball as he broke the color barrier.
The Los Angeles Dodgers, Robinson’s team for a decade, are scheduled to visit President Trump at the White House to celebrate their 2024 World Series title this April, coinciding with Jackie Robinson Day. This timing juxtaposes their celebration of his legacy against the backdrop of an administration taking steps to diminish recognition of such key figures in American history.
As this situation unfolds, it raises critical questions about the role of educational institutions, historical representation, and the importance of equitable narratives in our national dialogue. In today’s divided political landscape, the removal of influential and diverse voices from public access can serve not just as a reflection of current priorities but also as a forewarning about the future of discourse surrounding diversity and inclusion in America.
Related article: https://sports.yahoo.com/mlb/article/trump-administration-reportedly-moves-to-ban-jackie-robinson-biography-from-naval-academy-library-235013259.html
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Automotive
The Coolest Thing Made in Mississippi: Nissan Frontier
Exciting news! The Nissan Frontier has been crowned the “Coolest Thing Made in Mississippi” at the 2025 Mississippi Makers’ Challenge! 
Manufactured in Canton and powered by cutting-edge technology, this remarkable vehicle showcases top-notch craftsmanship and innovation. Proud to celebrate our local talent! #NissanFrontier #CoolestThing #MississippiMakers #Innovation
CANTON, Miss. – The Nissan Frontier has earned the prestigious title of the “Coolest Thing Made in Mississippi” by winning the 2025 Mississippi Makers’ Challenge, an event organized by the Mississippi Manufacturers Association. This accolade highlights the Frontier’s exceptional craftsmanship and innovative features that set it apart in the competitive automotive market.
Manufactured at Nissan’s state-of-the-art facility in Canton, Mississippi, the Frontier showcases the dedication and expertise of the skilled workforce in the region. Each vehicle is meticulously assembled, combining quality engineering with contemporary design to meet the needs of today’s drivers.
Powering the Frontier are robust engines built at Nissan’s powertrain plant in Decherd, Tennessee, further adding to the vehicle’s impressive performance and reliability. The collaboration between these two locations reflects Nissan’s commitment to supporting local economies while producing high-quality vehicles that American customers have come to love.
The recognition of the Nissan Frontier as the “Coolest Thing Made in Mississippi” is not just a win for Nissan; it underscores the rich manufacturing heritage of the state and the remarkable talent within its workforce. As Nissan continues to innovate and evolve, the Frontier stands as a testament to what can be achieved when craftsmanship meets cutting-edge technology.
With this accolade, the Nissan Frontier solidifies its place as a top choice for adventure enthusiasts and everyday drivers alike, proving that great things can indeed come from Mississippi.
Link to the Nissan Press Release: The Coolest Thing Made in Mississippi: Nissan Frontier
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Healthcare Education Market – Skilling Up for Scalpels: Inside the Thriving Healthcare Education Industry
PUNE, MAHARASHTRA, INDIA /EINPresswire.com/ — Healthcare Education Market Perspective
The Global Healthcare Education Market size was worth USD 103.64 billion in 2022 and is estimated to grow to USD 202.75 billion by 2030, with a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of approximately 8.75% over the forecast period. The report analyzes the healthcare education market’s drivers, restraints/challenges, and their effect on the demands during the projection period. In addition, the report explores emerging opportunities in the healthcare education market.
Healthcare Education Market Developments
• In 2023, HealthStream (US) purchased Electronic Education Documentation System, LLC (US). This acquisition will broaden Healthstream’s ecosystem by bringing a cutting-edge, cloud-based continuing education management system for healthcare organizations and delivering cutting-edge solutions in the form of Software-as-a-Service (SaaS).
• In 2022, To promote access for surgeons and benefit more patients across the US, GE Healthcare (US) and DePuy Synthes (US) worked together to make GE Healthcare’s OEC 3D Imaging System and DePuy Synthes’ extensive product line more widely available.
Get Access to Smart Book @ https://nforming.com/blog/healthcare/healthcare-education-market-analysis-report-industry-outlook-latest-development-and-forecast-to-2030/
Healthcare Education Market’s Top Driver
Increasing need for skilled healthcare workers to drive market growth
The market for healthcare education is expanding significantly due to the increasing need for skilled healthcare workers. The market for healthcare education is being significantly shaped by the growing demand for qualified healthcare workers. The demand for skilled physicians, nurses, allied health workers, and administrators who can deliver high-quality healthcare services is rising as the world’s population continues to expand and get older. The rising incidence of chronic illnesses and complicated medical disorders that need specialized care has increased this demand. Additionally, the need for healthcare professionals is growing outside conventional clinical responsibilities. The demand for non-clinical positions such as healthcare administrators, informatics experts, and others is also growing. As a result, healthcare education incorporates a variety of academic fields to produce a workforce that is well-rounded and able to meet the many demands of the healthcare sector.
Healthcare Education Market: Regional Landscape
Asia Pacific dominated the Healthcare Education market in 2022
There is a sizable and constantly expanding population in the Asia Pacific region, which generates a sizable demand for healthcare services. The demand for qualified and trained healthcare personnel grows proportionally as healthcare systems enlarge to meet this demand. Additionally, greater investments in healthcare infrastructure, including educational institutions, have been made as a result of the Asia Pacific region’s economic expansion. Governments and commercial organizations are becoming more aware of how crucial a strong healthcare education system is to the development of healthcare services.
Healthcare Education Market Top Players: Stryker (US), SAP (Germany), Adobe (US), Infor (US), Oracle (US), HealthStream (US), Symplr (US), Elsevier (Netherlands), Articulate (US), PeopleFluent (US), Fujifilm Corporation (Japan), GE Healthcare (US), Trivantis Corporation (US), Koninklijke Phillips (Netherlands), Siemens Healthineers (Germany), Coursera (US), and IBM (US).
Healthcare Education Market: Segmentation
The global healthcare education market has been segmented into provider, delivery mode, application, and end-user.
Based on universities, educational platforms, and medical simulation are segments of the global healthcare education market. The university segment to improve the business and department workers, the requirement for continuous learning in a field that is rapidly evolving, partnerships with healthcare organizations, and the emphasis on patient-centered care and interprofessional collaboration are all factors driving the growth of universities and academic institutions in the market for healthcare education solutions. The aforementioned elements help healthcare education programs grow and evolve to satisfy industry demands.
Based on delivery mode, the market is classified into classroom-based, and e-learning. In 2022, the e-learning processing category dominated the global market. Due to a variety of online learning platforms, students have access to educational resources like lectures, videos, quizzes, and other resources in a digital setting. Students can learn at their own pace and convenience in e-learning environments, which usually offer flexibility. Coursera, Blackboard, and Moodle are a few popular e-learning platforms. Because of the COVID-19 pandemic, e-learning platforms have proliferated as a medium of delivery, and this trend is anticipated to continue during the projected period. The overall revenue for Coursera in 2022 was US$523.8 million, a 26% increase over 2021, while the gross profit was US$249.5 million, a 33% increase over 2021.
Based on application, the market is classified into neurology, cardiology, and pediatrics. In 2022, the cardiology category dominated the global market. It is anticipated that factors including the increased prevalence of cardiovascular diseases (CVD), technological improvements, and online courses will raise demand for educational solutions. According to the WHO’s 2021 update, CVDs encompass illnesses like coronary heart disease, cerebrovascular disease, rheumatic heart disease, and others.
Based on end-users, the market is classified into students and physicians. In 2022, the student category dominated the global market. Student prospects have increased as a result of the growing accessibility and availability of healthcare education alternatives, notably online and remote learning options. Students can learn at their own pace, from any location, at any time, and with the help of digital tools and online platforms. This accessibility makes it easier for people from different backgrounds to enter the healthcare industry by allowing students to pursue healthcare education while juggling other responsibilities.
Trending Smart Book Reports:
Cardiac Biomarkers Market – https://nforming.com/blog/healthcare/cardiac-biomarkers-market-projected-to-grow-at-a-steady-cagr-of-12-60-during-forecast-period-2023-2030/
Fitness Trackers Market – https://nforming.com/blog/technology/global-fitness-trackers-market-insights-top-manufacturers-analysis-trend-and-demand-forecast-to-2030/
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