opinion
Subtle Nuance: The anti woke movement
The concept of being “anti-woke” is becoming increasingly popular in certain circles, but is it really as simple as accepting racism and inequality? In reality, the idea of being anti-woke is more nuanced than that.
To properly understand the concept of being anti-woke, one must first understand the concept of “woke” in the first place. “Woke” is a term used to describe those who are aware of and actively fighting against systemic racism, sexism, and other forms of oppression. To be anti-woke, then, is to be opposed to this kind of activism and the idea of challenging the status quo.
One of the main arguments of those who are anti-woke is that there is no such thing as “reverse racism” or “reverse sexism”. This argument claims that these terms are merely a form of irony or karma, and that they do not actually exist. This argument is based on the idea that racism and sexism are based on power dynamics, and that those who are considered “oppressed” are not actually in a position of power. Therefore, in this view, racism and sexism are still oppressive, even when the roles are reversed.
Another argument of those who are anti-woke is that the concept of “equality” is a myth, and that there will always be differences between people. This view believes that differences should be celebrated rather than erased, and that efforts to make everyone “equal” are bound to fail.
Ultimately, being anti-woke does not necessarily mean that one is accepting of racism and inequality. Rather, it is a complex idea that involves challenging traditional notions of equality and power dynamics, and looking for alternative ways to challenge oppression.
https://q5i.09c.myftpupload.com/category/the-bridge/
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Woke
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The Inspiring Legacy of Raymond E. Fowler: A Journey into the Unknown

When it comes to delving into the enigmatic world of Unidentified Flying Objects (UFOs), few figures shine as brightly as Raymond E. Fowler. Born on November 11, 1933, in Salem, Massachusetts, Fowler has made an indelible mark on UFO research and literature, serving as an inspiration for countless enthusiasts—including myself—to explore the mysteries of our universe.
Raymond E. Fowler. A Pioneer in UFO Research
Fowler’s research is particularly notable in the New England area, where he meticulously investigated numerous UFO sightings and close encounters. His dedication to this often-overlooked field has resulted in a wealth of information, uncovering stories that might have otherwise remained hidden. Among his many contributions, Fowler is perhaps best known for two landmark cases: the Betty Andreasson Luca Alien Abduction and the Allagash Abductions.
His book, The Andreasson Affair (1979), analyzed Betty Andreasson’s alleged encounters with extraterrestrial beings, captivating the public’s imagination and igniting meaningful discussions on the topic of alien abduction. Similarly, The Allagash Abductions (1993) investigated an alleged multiple-person abduction case, even amid controversy surrounding one of the witnesses’ credibility decades later. Fowler’s approach—rooted in rigorous research and empathetic storytelling—served as a beacon for those curious about the unknown.
An Educator, Investigator, and Advocate
Not only did Fowler write extensively about UFOs, but he also held significant roles in organizations dedicated to investigating aerial phenomena. As the Director of Scientific Investigations for MUFON (Mutual UFO Network) and a Scientific Associate at the Center for UFO Studies, he played a pivotal role in shaping a rigorous approach to UFO investigations. Additionally, as a past chairman of NICAP (National Investigations Committee on Aerial Phenomena), Fowler’s influential work contributed to the growing legitimacy of UFO research within the scientific community.
A Personal Connection to the Phenomena
What makes Fowler’s journey particularly compelling is his own experience as an alleged abductee. In UFO Testament: Anatomy of an Abductee (2002), Fowler shares his personal encounters with the unknown, sparking a sense of connection with readers who may have had similar experiences or feelings of fear and wonder. This transparency about his own abductions has not only inspired empathy but has also encouraged a more profound understanding of the abduction phenomenon, resonating with the testimonies of others, such as those of Betty and Barney Hill.
Despite facing skepticism and criticism—especially from family members who held different beliefs—Fowler remained steadfast in his pursuit of truth. His journey reminds us that curiosity, courage, and a willingness to question the impossible can push us toward greater understanding.
A Lasting Influence
Raymond E. Fowler’s extensive body of work not only laid the groundwork for future investigations but also inspired a generation of UFO researchers and writers. His books, such as Casebook of a UFO Investigator (1981) and UFOs: Interplanetary Visitors (1974)—the latter being my first introduction to the subject—sparked my passion for exploring the unknown. Fowler’s ability to weave personal narrative with scientific inquiry instills hope for a comprehensive understanding of UFOs.
As we continue to navigate the ever-expanding universe of UFO phenomena, we can draw strength and knowledge from the extraordinary contributions of Raymond E. Fowler. His legacy encourages us to embrace our curiosity, challenge the boundaries of understanding, and always remain open to the possibilities of the cosmos above. So, whether you’re a seasoned researcher or just beginning to explore the topic, remember that the journey into the unknown is as profound as the destination itself.
Resource:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Raymond_E._Fowler
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The Controversy Surrounding the Jackie Robinson Biography at the U.S. Naval Academy
The Trump administration’s push to ban Jackie Robinson’s biography from the U.S. Naval Academy Library highlights tensions over diversity narratives in education, sparking controversy and raising concerns about historical representation amid ongoing political divisiveness.

Jackie Robinson, first baseman with the Brooklyn Dodgers, circa 1949.
In an alarming move reflecting ongoing tensions over diverse narratives in education and public discourse, the Trump administration is reportedly pushing to ban a biography of Jackie Robinson from the Nimitz Library at the U.S. Naval Academy. This follows a week of controversy sparked by the temporary removal and subsequent restoration of an article on Robinson’s Army service from the Pentagon’s website.
According to a report from The New York Times, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has directed the Naval Academy to review its library collection for works that embody themes of diversity, equity, and inclusion. The biography of Robinson, alongside around 900 other titles—including Martin Luther King Jr.’s autobiography and “Einstein on Race and Racism”—has been flagged for removal under this directive.
Cmdr. Tim Hawkins, a spokesman for the Naval Academy, stated, “The U.S. Naval Academy is fully committed to executing and implementing all directives outlined in executive orders issued by the president and is currently reviewing the Nimitz Library collection to ensure compliance. The Navy is carrying out these actions with utmost professionalism, efficiency, and in alignment with national security objectives.”
With Hegseth scheduled to visit the Academy soon, it remains uncertain whether these controversial titles will be removed from the library before his arrival. The issue has sparked substantial outcry, particularly in light of the administration’s recent criticism over removing articles that celebrate influential figures in U.S. history, like Robinson and the Navajo code talkers.
In a discussion prompted by ESPN’s Jeff Passan, Pentagon press secretary John Ullyot reiterated the administration’s stance against diversity initiatives, indicating that some content may have been removed inadvertently. His comments drew significant backlash, leading to a follow-up statement emphasizing “patriotism and dedication to the warfighting mission” rather than racial or ethnic identities.
Robinson, a second lieutenant in the Army from 1942 to 1944, served with the 761st Tank Battalion, the first Black tank unit to see combat in World War II. His court-martial for refusing to adhere to a racist bus policy only underscores his enduring struggle against racial injustice, paving the way for his groundbreaking success in Major League Baseball as he broke the color barrier.
The Los Angeles Dodgers, Robinson’s team for a decade, are scheduled to visit President Trump at the White House to celebrate their 2024 World Series title this April, coinciding with Jackie Robinson Day. This timing juxtaposes their celebration of his legacy against the backdrop of an administration taking steps to diminish recognition of such key figures in American history.
As this situation unfolds, it raises critical questions about the role of educational institutions, historical representation, and the importance of equitable narratives in our national dialogue. In today’s divided political landscape, the removal of influential and diverse voices from public access can serve not just as a reflection of current priorities but also as a forewarning about the future of discourse surrounding diversity and inclusion in America.
Related article: https://sports.yahoo.com/mlb/article/trump-administration-reportedly-moves-to-ban-jackie-robinson-biography-from-naval-academy-library-235013259.html
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Water is the other US-Mexico border crisis, and the supply crunch is getting worse
The U.S.-Mexico border is facing a severe water crisis exacerbated by climate change, increased demand, and pollution. Collaborative governance is essential to address these growing challenges effectively.

Gabriel Eckstein, Texas A&M University and Rosario Sanchez, Texas A&M University
Immigration and border security will be the likely focus of U.S.-Mexico relations under the new Trump administration. But there also is a growing water crisis along the U.S.–Mexico border that affects tens of millions of people on both sides, and it can only be managed if the two governments work together.
Climate change is shrinking surface and groundwater supplies in the southwestern U.S. Higher air temperatures are increasing evaporation rates from rivers and streams and intensifying drought. Mexico is also experiencing multiyear droughts and heat waves.
Growing water use is already overtaxing limited supplies from nearly all of the region’s cross-border rivers, streams and aquifers. Many of these sources are contaminated with agricultural pollutants, untreated waste and other substances, further reducing the usability of available water.
As Texas-based scholars who study the legal and scientific aspects of water policy, we know that communities, farms and businesses in both countries rely on these scarce water supplies. In our view, water conditions on the border have changed so much that the current legal framework for managing them is inadequate.
Unless both nations recognize this fact, we believe that water problems in the region are likely to worsen, and supplies may never recover to levels seen as recently as the 1950s. Although the U.S. and Mexico have moved to address these concerns by updating the 1944 water treaty, these steps are not long-term solutions.

Growing demand, shrinking supply
The U.S.-Mexico border region is mostly arid, with water coming from a few rivers and an unknown amount of groundwater. The main rivers that cross the border are the Colorado and the Rio Grande – two of the most water-stressed systems in the world.
The Colorado River provides water to more than 44 million people, including seven U.S. and two Mexican states, 29 Indian tribes and 5.5 million acres of farmland. Only about 10% of its total flow reaches Mexico. The river once emptied into the Gulf of California, but now so much water is withdrawn along its course that since the 1960s it typically peters out in the desert.
The Rio Grande supplies water to roughly 15 million people, including 22 Indian tribes, three U.S. and four Mexican states and 2.8 million irrigated acres. It forms the 1,250-mile (2,000-kilometer) Texas-Mexico border, winding from El Paso in the west to the Gulf of Mexico in the east.

Other rivers that cross the border include the Tijuana, San Pedro, Santa Cruz, New and Gila. These are all significantly smaller and have less economic impact than the Colorado and the Rio Grande.
At least 28 aquifers – underground rock formations that contain water – also traverse the border. With a few exceptions, very little information on these shared resources exists. One thing that is known is that many of them are severely overtapped and contaminated.
Nonetheless, reliance on aquifers is growing as surface water supplies dwindle. Some 80% of groundwater used in the border region goes to agriculture. The rest is used by farmers and industries, such as automotive and appliance manufacturers.
Over 10 million people in 30 cities and communities throughout the border region rely on groundwater for domestic use. Many communities, including Ciudad Juarez; the sister cities of Nogales in both Arizona and Sonora; and the sister cities of Columbus in New Mexico and Puerto Palomas in Chihuahua, get all or most of their fresh water from these aquifers.
A booming region
About 30 million people live within 100 miles (160 kilometers) of the border on both sides. Over the next 30 years, that figure is expected to double.
Municipal and industrial water use throughout the region is also expected to increase. In Texas’ lower Rio Grande Valley, municipal use alone could more than double by 2040.
At the same time, as climate change continues to worsen, scientists project that snowmelt will decrease and evaporation rates will increase. The Colorado River’s baseflow – the portion of its volume that comes from groundwater, rather than from rain and snow – may decline by nearly 30% in the next 30 years.
Precipitation patterns across the region are projected to be uncertain and erratic for the foreseeable future. This trend will fuel more extreme weather events, such as droughts and floods, which could cause widespread harm to crops, industrial activity, human health and the environment.
Further stress comes from growth and development. Both the Colorado River and Rio Grande are tainted by pollutants from agricultural, municipal and industrial sources. Cities on both sides of the border, especially on the Mexican side, have a long history of dumping untreated sewage into the Rio Grande. Of the 55 water treatment plants located along the border, 80% reported ongoing maintenance, capacity and operating problems as of 2019.
Drought across the border region is already stoking domestic and bilateral tensions. Competing water users are struggling to meet their needs, and the U.S. and Mexico are straining to comply with treaty obligations for sharing water.
Cross-border water politics
Mexico and the United States manage water allocations in the border region mainly under two treaties: a 1906 agreement focused on the Upper Rio Grande Basin and a 1944 treaty covering the Colorado River and Lower Rio Grande.
Under the 1906 treaty, the U.S. is obligated to deliver 60,000 acre-feet of water to Mexico where the Rio Grande reaches the border. This target may be reduced during droughts, which have occurred frequently in recent decades. An acre-foot is enough water to flood an acre of land 1 foot deep – about 325,000 gallons (1.2 million liters).
Allocations under the 1944 treaty are more complicated. The U.S. is required to deliver 1.5 million acre-feet of Colorado River water to Mexico at the border – but as with the 1906 treaty, reductions are allowed in cases of extraordinary drought.
Until the mid-2010s, the U.S. met its full obligation each year. Since then, however, regional drought and climate change have severely reduced the Colorado River’s flow, requiring substantial allocation reductions for both the U.S. and Mexico.
In 2025, states in the U.S. section of the lower Colorado River basin will see a reduction of over 1 million acre-feet from prior years. Mexico’s allocation will decline by approximately 280,500 acre-feet under the 1944 treaty.
This agreement provides each nation with designated fractions of flows from the Lower Rio Grande and specific tributaries. Regardless of water availability or climatic conditions, Mexico also is required to deliver to the U.S. a minimum of 1,750,000 acre-feet of water from six named tributaries, averaged over five-year cycles. If Mexico falls short in one cycle, it can make up the deficit in the next five-year cycle, but cannot delay repayment further. https://www.youtube.com/embed/IgWSMgg9TmE?wmode=transparent&start=0 The U.S. and Mexico are struggling to share a shrinking water supply in the border region.
Since the 1990s, extraordinary droughts have caused Mexico to miss its delivery obligations three times. Although Mexico repaid its water debts in subsequent cycles, these shortfalls raised diplomatic tensions that led to last-minute negotiations and large-scale water transfers from Mexico to the U.S.
Mexican farmers in Lower Rio Grande irrigation districts who had to shoulder these cuts felt betrayed. In 2020, they protested, confronting federal soldiers and temporarily seizing control of a dam.
U.S. President Donald Trump and Mexican President Claudia Scheinbaum clearly appreciate the political and economic importance of the border region. But if water scarcity worsens, it could supplant other border priorities.
In our view, the best way to prevent this would be for the two countries to recognize that conditions are deteriorating and update the existing cross-border governance regime so that it reflects today’s new water realities.
Gabriel Eckstein, Professor of Law, Texas A&M University and Rosario Sanchez, Senior Research Scientist, Texas Water Resources Institute, Texas A&M University
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
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